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Olümpiavõitja kui rahvuskangelane: folkloristlik vaade ühele dopingujuhtumile
Copyright policy )Olümpiavõitja kui rahvuskangelane: folkloristlik vaade ühele dopingujuhtumile
The aim of the paper is to analyse the collective expression of attitudes elicited by the doping scandal that concerned the esteemed Estonian cross-country skier and Olympic gold medal winner, Andrus Veerpalu. The paper provides an insight into the evolution of an athlete into a national hero on the Internet. The analysis is based on the material collected from Estonian online media during two years (from April 2011 to March 2013), when Andrus Veerpalu’s court case was actively followed by the Estonian sports circles and laymen alike. The data corpus includes the most relevant news texts published in the online news portal Delfi (www.delfi.ee), comments from the same online environment, posts from the Facebook fan sites, e.g., “We believe in Andrus Veerpalu”, etc. The doping accusation called forth a quasi-religious movement, which was built around the belief that the athlete was sacred and it was not allowed to attack or accuse him in any way. The main threads in the comments analysed within this study could be divided into two opposing, although intertwining categories: the serious and the ironic. Both categories included people who believed in Veerpalu’s innocence, and those who did not; in addition, there were those who displayed their superiority towards the entire discussion. The analysis addresses the transformation of an Olympic hero into a national hero, and points out narratives that treat the scandal within the present-day genres of urban legends, conspiracy theories, and Internet humour. The more or less genuine belief of people was reflected in sought-out explanations for the doping test result and counter-arguments (above all, via conspiracy stories, but also through social mobilisation in support of Veerpalu). In the post factum comments, the majority expressed the feeling that their trust had been justified; they renewed their unremitting belief in the acquitted hero. But the rather complicated end to the long case was also a confusing one, and this allowed the ironic discourse to produce parodies, jokes and other critical comments. The questions central to the analysis are the following: (1) How does the audience interpret information provided by the media and which topics do the interpretations initiate in turn? (2) How does the notion of belief emerge in the discussion, which narratives and stereotypes are believed in, and how is the belief rationalised? (3) Which folkloric and other cultural (transmedial) texts have taken inspiration from this doping scandal?
- Estonian Literary Museum Estonia
Library of Congress Subject Headings: lcsh:Ethnology. Social and cultural anthropology lcsh:GN301-674
Microsoft Academic Graph classification: History Anthropology National identity
Cultural Studies, conspiracy stories, stereotypes, folklore about doping cases, Anthropology, fan culture, national identity, sports folklore, national hero, belief
Cultural Studies, conspiracy stories, stereotypes, folklore about doping cases, Anthropology, fan culture, national identity, sports folklore, national hero, belief
Library of Congress Subject Headings: lcsh:Ethnology. Social and cultural anthropology lcsh:GN301-674
Microsoft Academic Graph classification: History Anthropology National identity
6 Spordiajaloolane Kalle Voolaid on Proppi muinasjutufunktsioonidele allutades võrrelnud kahe omaaegse rahvussangari - Eesti maadleja Georg Lurichi (1876-1920) ja Soome pikamaajooksja Paavo Nurmi (1897-1973) elu ja sportlasekarjääri (vt Voolaid 1999: 55-64).
7 Folkloristlikult huvipakkuv oli ülejärgmisel päeval pärast teema üleskerkimist ilmunud psühholoog Voldemar Kolga (2011) artikkel, milles autor põhjendas Veerpalu suurt toetajaskonda müütilise kangelase teooria abil, viidates USA müüdiuurija Joseph Campbelli (2004: 28) 1940. aastail kasutusele võetud monomüüdi kontseptsioonile: “Tema kontseptsiooni järgi on kangelane inimene, kes lahkub igapäevasest elust, et võtta ette reis erilisse maailma, võtta vastu uusi väljakutseid, ületada enda hirmusid ja selle tulemusena saada mingeid autasusid, et neid hiljem jagada kangelase kogukonnaga, tema rahvaga” (Kolga 2011).
11 10. aprillil 2011 tehtud postitusest pärineb statistika riikide osakaalu kohta kommuuni liikmeskonnas (55 753 Eesti, 2061 Soome, 848 Rootsi, 517 Ühendkuningriigid, 328 Ameerika Ühendriigid, 317 Norra, 146 Iirimaa, 140 Saksamaa, 134 Austraalia, 124 Hispaania, 113 Holland, 98 Taani, 80 Prantsusmaa, 76 Itaalia, 69 Läti, 66 Belgia, 64 Poola, 38 Luxembourg, 33 Venemaa). Võib oletada, et suuresti peegeldavad nimetatud arvud neis riikides resideeruvate eestlaste hulka Facebooki kommuunis. Viis kuud pärast positiivse dopinguproovi ilmsikstulekut, 19. septembril 2011 oli kogukonna “Usume Andrus Veerpalu” liikmete arv 66 795, täpselt kolm aastat hiljem, 19. septembril 2014 aga 58 337.
17 http://sport.del.fiee/news/suusatamine/eesti/andrus-veerpalu-sai-spordikohtus-voidu .d?id=65878360&com=1®=0&s=1&no=120.
18 Jaak, Delfi, 26. märts 2013 - http://sport.delfi.ee/news/suusatamine/eesti/andrusveerpalu-sai-spordikohtus-voidu.d?id=65878360&com=1&no=60.
19 hmm, Delfi, 26. märts 2013 - http://sport.delfi.ee/news/suusatamine/eesti/andrusveerpalu-sai-spordikohtus-voidu.d?id=65878360&com=1&no=60.
20 http://sport.del.fiee/news/suusatamine/eesti/anna-hinnang-veerpalu-dopingujuhtummuutub-uha-mustilisemaks-mida-pikale-veninud-saagast-arvata.d?id=65749824.
21 Olümpiavõitjaid ja rahvuseepose kangelast Kalevipoega on varem ühendatud mitmes kultuurivormis. Nt siirast austusavaldust olümpiasangaritele väljendab Põltsamaale rajatud Sõpruse park, mille tähtsaimad sümbolid on lähestikku asetsevad monumentaalskulptuur “Tee Olümposele” (Tauno Kangro, 2004; sammastele on kirjutatud kõigi Eesti olümpiamedalistide nimed) ning kündva Kalevipoja kuju (Tauno Kangro, 2006).
22 2013. aasta spordihetkena jäid konkureerima Eesti vehklejate Nikolai Novosjolovi ja Julia Beljajeva kuldne pooltund maailmameistrivõistlustel Budapestis (sai hiljem hääletamisvõidu), Eesti meeste korvpallikoondise jõudmine Euroopa meistrivõistluste ifnaalturniirile ja Eesti meeste jalgpallikoondise 2:2 viik Hollandiga.
Hancock, Jeffrey T. 2004. Verbal Irony Use in Face-To-Face and Computer-Mediated Conversations. Journal of Language and Social Psychology 23 (4), lk 447-463 (doi: 10.1177/0261927X04269587).
citations This is an alternative to the "Influence" indicator, which also reflects the overall/total impact of an article in the research community at large, based on the underlying citation network (diachronically).0 popularity This indicator reflects the "current" impact/attention (the "hype") of an article in the research community at large, based on the underlying citation network.Average influence This indicator reflects the overall/total impact of an article in the research community at large, based on the underlying citation network (diachronically).Average impulse This indicator reflects the initial momentum of an article directly after its publication, based on the underlying citation network.Average citations This is an alternative to the "Influence" indicator, which also reflects the overall/total impact of an article in the research community at large, based on the underlying citation network (diachronically).0 popularity This indicator reflects the "current" impact/attention (the "hype") of an article in the research community at large, based on the underlying citation network.Average influence This indicator reflects the overall/total impact of an article in the research community at large, based on the underlying citation network (diachronically).Average impulse This indicator reflects the initial momentum of an article directly after its publication, based on the underlying citation network.Average
Popularity provided by BIP!- Estonian Literary Museum Estonia
The aim of the paper is to analyse the collective expression of attitudes elicited by the doping scandal that concerned the esteemed Estonian cross-country skier and Olympic gold medal winner, Andrus Veerpalu. The paper provides an insight into the evolution of an athlete into a national hero on the Internet. The analysis is based on the material collected from Estonian online media during two years (from April 2011 to March 2013), when Andrus Veerpalu’s court case was actively followed by the Estonian sports circles and laymen alike. The data corpus includes the most relevant news texts published in the online news portal Delfi (www.delfi.ee), comments from the same online environment, posts from the Facebook fan sites, e.g., “We believe in Andrus Veerpalu”, etc. The doping accusation called forth a quasi-religious movement, which was built around the belief that the athlete was sacred and it was not allowed to attack or accuse him in any way. The main threads in the comments analysed within this study could be divided into two opposing, although intertwining categories: the serious and the ironic. Both categories included people who believed in Veerpalu’s innocence, and those who did not; in addition, there were those who displayed their superiority towards the entire discussion. The analysis addresses the transformation of an Olympic hero into a national hero, and points out narratives that treat the scandal within the present-day genres of urban legends, conspiracy theories, and Internet humour. The more or less genuine belief of people was reflected in sought-out explanations for the doping test result and counter-arguments (above all, via conspiracy stories, but also through social mobilisation in support of Veerpalu). In the post factum comments, the majority expressed the feeling that their trust had been justified; they renewed their unremitting belief in the acquitted hero. But the rather complicated end to the long case was also a confusing one, and this allowed the ironic discourse to produce parodies, jokes and other critical comments. The questions central to the analysis are the following: (1) How does the audience interpret information provided by the media and which topics do the interpretations initiate in turn? (2) How does the notion of belief emerge in the discussion, which narratives and stereotypes are believed in, and how is the belief rationalised? (3) Which folkloric and other cultural (transmedial) texts have taken inspiration from this doping scandal?