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  • Authors: Millar, Katharine M;

    This collection contains photographs of ad-hoc, local, and/or temporary commemoration of the Covid-19 pandemic in Northern Ireland and Ireland in July 2022. It covers plaques, memorials, religious sites, and murals. The photographs cover republican and unionist communities, in Belfast, Londonderry/Derry, Donaghdee, and Dublin. The data was collected as part of the broader project: “The Challenge of Mass Deaths for Social Order in a Transnational Context: Experiencing COVID-19”, which studied death as, tragically, the central characteristic of the Covid-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom and abroad. It understood Covid-19 deaths as, in addition to private family tragedies, a political event with important implications for collective memory and social order. In particular, the study examined how ideas of time – of “timeliness” of decisions/deaths, of the meaning of a “lifetime”, of differential experiences of waiting and urgency/emergency – produced different experiences of pandemic death and grief. More precisely, the study did three things. First, it looked at how ideas of time were important to framing mass Covid-19 deaths as inevitable (or not) in three European countries, showing that “inevitability” was a matter of politics, rather than scale of death. Second, it looked at how the “pause” of Covid-19 lockdown interrupted the daily rhythms of life in Northern Ireland/Ireland, with local practices of ad-hoc Covid-19 commemoration demonstrating evidence of important, if brief, cross-community solidarity. (This is the aim to which the data contained here was collected). Third, and finally, the project looked at practices of body repatriation, a tragic but important and often-invisible form of transnational cooperation that upholds international social order and works to provide timely individual dignity in death.“The Challenge of Mass Deaths for Social Order in a Transnational Context: Experiencing COVID-19” studied death as, tragically, the central characteristic of the Covid-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom and abroad. It understood Covid-19 deaths as, in addition to private family tragedies, a political event with important implications for collective memory and social order. In particular, the study examined how ideas of time – of “timeliness” of decisions/deaths, of the meaning of a “lifetime”, of differential experiences of waiting and urgency/emergency – produced different experiences of pandemic death and grief. More precisely, the study did three things. First, it looked at how ideas of time were important to framing mass Covid-19 deaths as inevitable (or not) in three European countries, showing that “inevitability” was a matter of politics, rather than scale of death. Second, it looked at how the “pause” of Covid-19 lockdown interrupted the daily rhythms of life in Northern Ireland/Ireland, with local practices of ad-hoc Covid-19 commemoration demonstrating evidence of important, if brief, cross-community solidarity. Third, and finally, the project looked at practices of body repatriation, a tragic but important and often-invisible form of transnational cooperation that upholds international social order and works to provide timely individual dignity in death. Methodology is site-based ethnography and visual analysis. Method is digital photography.

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- Bailey's Western &amp; Midland Directory for ... 1783. [Also 1784. Nottinghamshire only] (1783-84)<br><br>- Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce &amp; Manufacture, 1791-98. Nottingham &amp; Newark extracts (1791-98)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Leicester&nbsp; Directory,&nbsp; describing&nbsp; the&nbsp; bankers,&nbsp; manufacturers, and principal tradesmen with their places of residence, also the professors of law, physic &amp; divinity, the corporation, clergy, militia &amp;c. (1794)<br><br>- The Leicester Directory, containing a general list of&nbsp; the&nbsp; merchants,&nbsp; tradesmen,&nbsp; manufacturers,&nbsp; and&nbsp; principal&nbsp; inhabitants&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester,&nbsp; arranged&nbsp; in&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp; order,&nbsp; separate&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp; lists of each particular trade and profession (1815)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; Directory,&nbsp; containing&nbsp; a&nbsp; general&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; merchants,&nbsp; tradesmen,&nbsp; and&nbsp; principal&nbsp; inhabitants&nbsp; of&nbsp; Nottingham, New Radford, and New Snenton (1815)<br><br>- Pigot's Directory of Leicestershire, 1822, 1828, 1835 (1822-35)<br><br>- Glover's&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; Directory,&nbsp; for&nbsp; 1825,&nbsp; being&nbsp; a&nbsp; general list of the merchants, tradesmen, and principal inhabitants of Nottingham, New Radford and New Snenton (1825)<br><br>- The&nbsp;&nbsp; Leicester&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory;&nbsp;&nbsp; containing&nbsp;&nbsp; an&nbsp;&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; inhabitants,&nbsp; a&nbsp; complete&nbsp; classification&nbsp; of&nbsp; trades,&nbsp; a&nbsp; new&nbsp; arrangement&nbsp; of&nbsp; coaches&nbsp; and&nbsp; carriers,&nbsp; a&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; all&nbsp; the&nbsp; civil&nbsp; officers&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; town&nbsp; and&nbsp; county,&nbsp; the&nbsp; public&nbsp; institutions,&nbsp; churches and chapels, &amp;c. (1827)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; county&nbsp; of&nbsp; Derby,&nbsp; containing&nbsp; upwards of fifteen thousand names ... accurately taken during the years 1827, '8, and '9 (1829)<br><br>- History,&nbsp;&nbsp; Gazetteer,&nbsp;&nbsp; and&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; Nottinghamshire, and the ... town of Nottingham (1832)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; Annual&nbsp; Register;&nbsp; containing&nbsp; an&nbsp; almanack,&nbsp; useful&nbsp; tables,&nbsp; chronicle&nbsp; of&nbsp; parliament,&nbsp; and&nbsp; remarkable&nbsp; occurrences,&nbsp; also&nbsp; a&nbsp; new&nbsp; and&nbsp; corrected&nbsp; directory&nbsp; for&nbsp; 1840 (1840)<br><br>- A&nbsp; Guide&nbsp; to&nbsp; Leicester,&nbsp; containing&nbsp; a&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; streets,&nbsp; lanes,&nbsp; yards,&nbsp; &amp;c.,&nbsp; a&nbsp; directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; principal&nbsp; inhabitants,&nbsp; classification of trades and professions ... with an almanack for 1843, county information, etc. (1843)<br><br>- History,&nbsp;&nbsp; Gazetteer,&nbsp;&nbsp; and&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; Leicestershire,&nbsp; and&nbsp; the&nbsp; small&nbsp; county&nbsp; of&nbsp; Rutland;&nbsp; together&nbsp; with&nbsp; the&nbsp; adjacent towns of Grantham &amp; Stamford (1846)<br><br>- Lascelles and Hagar's Commercial Directory of the town&nbsp; and&nbsp; county&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; town&nbsp; of&nbsp; Nottingham;&nbsp; also&nbsp; the&nbsp; parishes&nbsp; of&nbsp; Basford,&nbsp; Bridgford,&nbsp; Carlton,&nbsp; Lenton,&nbsp; Radford,&nbsp; Sneinton,&nbsp; Wilford,&nbsp; and&nbsp; Wollaton (1848)<br><br>- Slater's Directory of Rutlandshire (1850)<br><br>- Freebody's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; Towns&nbsp; of&nbsp; Derby,&nbsp; Chesterfield,&nbsp;&nbsp; Alfreton,&nbsp;&nbsp; Buxton,&nbsp;&nbsp; Bakewell,&nbsp;&nbsp; Matlock,&nbsp;&nbsp; Wirksworth,&nbsp;&nbsp; Ashbourn,&nbsp; Belper,&nbsp; Melbourn,&nbsp; Ripley,&nbsp; Burtonupon-&nbsp; Trent,&nbsp; &amp;c.&nbsp; &amp;c.&nbsp; &amp;c. (1852)<br><br>- Melville&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Co.'s&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; and&nbsp; Gazetteer&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicestershire,&nbsp; including&nbsp; all&nbsp; the&nbsp; market&nbsp; towns,&nbsp; with&nbsp; the&nbsp; adjacent&nbsp; villages, and containing a descriptive account of each place, followed by the directory (1854)<br><br>- Post&nbsp;&nbsp; Office&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; Derbyshire&nbsp;&nbsp; and&nbsp;&nbsp; Nottinghamshire (1855)<br><br>- Post&nbsp;&nbsp; Office&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; Derbyshire,&nbsp;&nbsp; Leicestershire,&nbsp; Nottinghamshire&nbsp; and&nbsp; Rutlandshire.&nbsp; [1855.&nbsp; Leics&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Rutland only] (1855)<br><br>- Slater's Directory of Rutlandshire (1858)<br><br>- Wright's&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; and&nbsp; Suburban&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; for&nbsp; 1858 (1858)<br><br>- Commercial Directory of Leicestershire, containing an&nbsp;&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp;&nbsp; list&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; the&nbsp;&nbsp; gentry,&nbsp;&nbsp; merchants,&nbsp;&nbsp; manufacturers,&nbsp;&nbsp; professions,&nbsp; trades,&nbsp; etc.;&nbsp; and&nbsp; separate&nbsp; historical,&nbsp; statistical,&nbsp; and&nbsp; topographical&nbsp; descriptions&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; hundreds,&nbsp; towns,&nbsp; parishes (1861)<br><br>- Gazetteer&nbsp; and&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; Counties&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Rutland;&nbsp; containing&nbsp; an&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; gentry,&nbsp; merchants,&nbsp; manufacturers,&nbsp; professions,&nbsp; trades,&nbsp; etc.;&nbsp; and&nbsp; separate&nbsp; historical,&nbsp;&nbsp; statistical,&nbsp;&nbsp; and&nbsp;&nbsp; topographical&nbsp;&nbsp; descriptions&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; the&nbsp;&nbsp; hundreds, towns, parishes (1861)<br><br>- Slater's Directory of Leicestershire (1862)<br><br>- Wright's&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; and&nbsp; Suburban&nbsp; Directory,&nbsp; for&nbsp; 1862 (1862)<br><br>- History, Gazetteer, and Directory of the Counties of&nbsp; Leicester&nbsp; and&nbsp; Rutland,&nbsp; comprising&nbsp; general&nbsp; surveys&nbsp; of&nbsp; each&nbsp; county,&nbsp; and separate historical, statistical and topographical descriptions of all their hundreds, towns, parishes (1863)<br><br>- Buchanan&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Co.'s&nbsp; Postal&nbsp; and&nbsp; Commercial&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester,&nbsp; including&nbsp; the&nbsp; market&nbsp; towns&nbsp; of&nbsp; Ashby-de-la-Zouch, Hinckley,&nbsp; Loughboro',&nbsp; Lutterworth,&nbsp; Market&nbsp; Bosworth,&nbsp; Market&nbsp; Harborough,&nbsp; Melton&nbsp; Mowbray,&nbsp; Mountsorrel,&nbsp; Whitwick,&nbsp; and&nbsp; surrounding&nbsp; villages (1867)<br><br>- Street,&nbsp; Alphabetical,&nbsp; and&nbsp; Trade&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester (1870)<br><br>- C. N. Wright's Directory of South Derbyshire, also including Alfreton, Ashbourne, Wirksworth, Tutbury, Burton-on-Trent and other&nbsp; places&nbsp; in&nbsp; Staffordshire,&nbsp; Notts.&nbsp; and&nbsp; Leicestershire&nbsp; within&nbsp; 12&nbsp; miles of Derby (1874)<br><br>- S.&nbsp; Barker&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Co.'s&nbsp; General&nbsp; Topographical&nbsp; and&nbsp; Historical&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; for&nbsp; the&nbsp; counties&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester,&nbsp; Rutland,&nbsp; &amp;c.&nbsp; ...&nbsp; The historic sketch of Leicester by James Thompson (1875)<br><br>- Commercial and General Directory and Red Book of Leicester and Suburbs (1875)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Post&nbsp; Office&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; counties&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester and Rutland (1876)<br><br>- Post Office Directory of Nottinghamshire (1876)<br><br>- History,&nbsp; Gazetteer&nbsp; and&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; Counties&nbsp; of Leicester and Rutland, comprising general surveys of each county and separate historical, statistical and topographical descriptions of all the hundreds, towns, parishes (1877)<br><br>- Commercial&nbsp; and&nbsp; General&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; and&nbsp; Red&nbsp; Book&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester &amp; six miles round, with Sileby and Mountsorrel (1878)<br><br>- Spencers' Illustrated Leicester Almanack, Diary, Peerage, Baronetage, Directory, and General Advertiser, for 1880 (1880)<br><br>- Commercial&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; General&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicestershire&nbsp; and Rutland, also Grantham, Stamford, and Atherstone (1880)

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  • Authors: Graham, M, Oxford Internet Institute; Howson, K, Oxford Internet Institute;

    Work on digital labour platforms has been shown to frequently fall short of decent labour standards. Platform work takes place in a highly unregulated context, and in most countries platform workers are not protected by minimum labour standards governing pay, health and safety, fair due process, and representation. Platform work has rapidly expanded as an anticipated engine of job creation in the Global South, however, there is a lack of data to enable policymakers to evaluate job quality in the platform economy, and the potential of platform work to provide sustainable livelihoods. This project gathered data in South Africa against a set of criteria of decent platform work (the Fairwork Principles). The Principles were established through a process of consultation and consensus building with platform workers, platforms and other stakeholders from several regions, at meetings held at the ILO in 2018. Drawing on evidence provided by platform managers, research interviews with platform workers, and desk research, the resultant data took the form of 'scores' for prominent platforms in South Africa against five principles, and ten thresholds of decent work. We now share annual fairness scorecards for key platforms operating in the South African market, for 2019, 2020 and 2021.There are millions of platform workers who live all over the world, doing work that is outsourced or organised via digital platforms or apps in the gig economy. This work can include jobs as varied as taxi driving using Uber, translation on Upwork, or the training of machine learning algorithms through Amazon's Mechanical Turk. Despite the potential of such work to give jobs to those who need them, platform workers have little ability to negotiate wages and working conditions with their employers, who are often on the other side of the world. Our previous research has shown that platforms often operate in relatively unregulated ways, and can encourage a race to the bottom in terms of workers' ability to defend existing jobs, liveable wages, and dignified working conditions. The potentials and risks of platform work touch down starkly in South Africa. A country that, by some measures, has the world's highest income inequality, and 28% unemployment rates. At the same time, the country has relatively well-developed internet infrastructure, and a relatively stable political climate and state/legal institutions. These factors make the country a site in which the platform economy is nascent enough to allow us to co-develop solutions with a multi-disciplinary team from Law and the Social Sciences that will offer tangible opportunities to influence policy and practice surrounding digital work. As other middle- and low-income countries quickly develop their internet infrastructures and millions of more potential digital workers rush online in search of opportunities, the interventions that this project proposes will be of crucial need if we are to avoid some of the 'race to the bottom' that the current world of digital work is bringing into being. Our project will culminate in two key initiatives. First, building on a work package of legal research, a Code of Practice will be developed to serve as an interpretive tool to outline the ways that existing regulations can be made applicable to platform workers. Second, we will develop a 'Fairwork Foundation.' Much like the Fairtrade Foundation has been able to certify the production chains of commodities like coffee or chocolate, the Fairwork Foundation will certify the production networks of the platform economy, and therefore harness consumer power to significantly contribute to the welfare and job quality of digital workers. This programme of work aims to not just uncover where fair and unfair work takes place, but also seeks to codify that knowledge into both a 'Fairwork certification scheme' and an annual ranking of platforms. These two initiatives will ultimately allow for the development of an international standard for good-quality digital working conditions. These objectives will be achieved with 5 project stages. First, the Law team will analyse S. African labour laws, social security laws, and other legal and policy regulations relating to the platform economy, and ask how those laws might be adapted to provide decent work standards for digital platform workers. At the same time, the Social Science team will use a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods to map the key issues faced by S. African platform workers: developing a rich understanding of how platform work may be failing to live up to decent work standards. Third, we develop meaningful decent work standards for platform work that happens outside of the Global North. Fourth, we take those standards and use them in a process of action research in which we seek to certify the digital work platforms: assigning them a Fairwork certification if they pass. Finally, through an extended process of stakeholder engagement and outreach with workers, platforms, and policy makers, we plan a short-term strategy of pressuring platforms to change their policies to improve working conditions and a longer-term strategy of influencing the direction that regulation takes in a currently highly unregulated sector. The five principles and ten thresholds of fair platform work were established through a process of stakeholder consultation with workers, platform managers and other experts from multiple regions including Africa, Asia and Europe. They were initially decided at meetings held at the ILO in Geneva in 2018, and have since undergone two processes of consultative revision to ensure ongoing relevance and sensitivity. Fairness scores for each platform are decided based on qualitative data gathering and peer review. Researchers triangulate between three sources of data: Desk Research Each annual Fairwork ratings cycle starts with desk research to map the range of platforms to be scored, identify points of contact with management, develop suitable interview guides and survey instruments, and design recruitment strategies to access workers. For each platform, we also gather and analyse contracts, terms and conditions, and digital interfaces. Desk research also flags up any publicly available information that could assist us in scoring different platforms, for instance the provision of particular services to workers, or the existence of past or ongoing disputes. Manager Interviews The second method involves approaching platforms for evidence. We interview platform managers and request evidence for each of the Fairwork principles. This provides insights into the operation and business model of the platform, while also opening up a dialogue through which the platform could agree to implement improvements to working conditions. In cases where platform managers do not agree to interviews nor share any evidence with us, we base our scoring on evidence obtained through desk-based research and worker interviews. Worker Surveys and Interviews The third method involves collecting data directly from platform workers. This allows us to see workers’ contracts and learn about platform policies and practices that pertain to their working conditions. Workers who participate in our research are fairly compensated for their time and efforts, and their survey and interview responses are kept entirely confidential. Gig Work Platforms: We employ a diverse worker recruitment strategy that incorporates both on- and off-platform methods. We recruit workers by hiring their services via the platform (e.g., by ordering an Uber), approaching workers at known worker meeting points (e.g., at spots where delivery couriers congregate), through social media sites and online forums (e.g., on Facebook, WhatsApp or Reddit) and using snowball sampling (where workers we interview refer us to their colleagues). We interview 6-10 workers at each platform. These interviews do not aim to build a representative sample but instead seek to understand the processes of work, and the ways it is carried out and managed. In other words, data from workers is useful to understand whether problems exist; they are not used to understand how prevalent those problems are. Worker interviews also help us understand how platform policies work (for which representative samples are not needed). Interview data, per the provisions of this projects' ethics clearance is gathered with the assurance of strict confidentiality, as it carries a risk of potential identification and retaliation against workers by platforms. From Data to Ratings This threefold methodological approach allows us to cross-check the claims made by platform management, while also providing the opportunity to collect evidence from multiple sources. Final scores are collectively decided by the Fairwork team based on all three forms of information gathering. The scores are decided through a rigorous peer review process that includes the core team of researchers involved in planning and executing the research (e.g. the Fairwork South Africa team) the central Fairwork team based in Oxford, and two reviewers from other Fairwork country teams. This allows us to provide consistency and scientific rigour to the scoring process. Points are only awarded if clear evidence exists on each threshold.

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- Pigot's Directory of Northamptonshire (1841)<br><br>- Directory of the Town of Northampton: with a complete list of the clergy, gentry, merchants, manufacturers, professions, trades, &amp;c., &amp;c., &amp;c.: also a detailed account of the Northampton charities, religious &amp; other local institutions (1853)<br><br>- History, Gazetteer and Directory of the County of Huntingdon; comprising a general survey of the county, and embracing separate historical descriptions of the united boroughs of Huntingdon and Godmanchester, and all the market towns, together with notices of every parish (1854)<br><br>- History, Topography, &amp; Directory of Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire, to which is prefixed an abridgment of the early history of England (1862)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Northamptonshire (1890)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire (1890)<br><br>- Northampton Directory. Containing: directory of private residents, trades, professions, &amp; streets; county, municipal, topographical, and general information. (1893/94)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Hunts and Northamptonshire (1898)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Hunts and Northamptonshire (1903)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Northamptonshire (1906)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire (1910) [Bedfordshire only]<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Huntingdonshire (1910)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Northamptonshire (1910)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire (1914) [Northamptonshire only]<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire (1914) [Huntingdonshire only]<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire (1914) [Bedfordshire only] <br>

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  • Authors: Hiteva, Ralitsa;

    The project was designed with societal, policy and research impact in mind. The target audiences of the project included local authorities, the urban poor and other practitioners (such as engineers and NGOs) and researchers. Societally, the primary beneficiaries of the project are expected to be urban practitioners (policy-makers/planners, engineers/designers, service providers, NGOs, and poor end-users). This photographic data on urban gardening and making zimnina in Sofia, Bulgaria collected from June 2017 until March 2018.Cities are complex networked spaces where multiple interdependent socio-economic, technoscientific and environmental activities are concentrated. Due to rural-urban migration and climate change, augmented by other pressures (e.g. from ‘global’ markets), provisioning of many basic services and commodities such as food, water and energy requires constant adaptation and reform. This adaptation/reform is necessary to build resilience, to address vulnerabilities and to guarantee equitable access. However, the focus on creating ‘resilient urban systems’ in policy circles breeds a disjuncture between resilience approaches/efforts and the production (and experience) of vulnerabilities on the ground (see section 12). This disjuncture is compounded by two sets of critical challenges. First, as highlighted by the intellectual and political movement on environmental (in)justices (Agyeman et al. 2002; Sundberg 2008; Walker 2009; Carmin and Agyeman 2011), vulnerabilities and access to key services are unevenly distributed among city dwellers. Vulnerability, understood as ‘the inability of an individual or group to cope with adversities’, is experienced by the urban poor more acutely than other social classes (Wisner et al. 2004; Hogan and Marandola 2005; Douglas et al. 2008; Anguelovski and Roberts 2011). Both poverty and vulnerability may be exacerbated by the unequal provisioning of key services. Second, the material flows and infrastructures involved in provisioning basic services are deeply interdependent. This interdependence has recently gained considerable international policy attention under the rubric of the ‘Nexus’ of food, water, energy and the environment/climate (Martin-Nagle et al. 2012; Dodds and Bartram 2014; Allouche et al. 2014; Wilsdon and Cairns 2014). Associated with the Nexus are, a) trade-offs such as those encountered in water use for provisioning bio-energy instead of food; b) aggravations when one sector’s problems (such as water pollution) impair others (e.g. food provision); and c) synergies that arise, for example, when removing a barrier to energy access streamlines flows of food and/or water. The trade-offs and aggravations of the urban Nexus pose challenges that cut across spatial scales as well as across sectors and silos in existing research and governance organizations. The two sets of challenges are most seriously encountered in the form of the ‘nexus of (uneven) vulnerabilities’ (Stirling 2014). It is at this nexus that vulnerability to water contamination may be exacerbated by vulnerability to hunger and lack of access to energy. And it is here that any new vulnerabilities engendered by a social, technological or ecological ‘event’ interact with existing forms of insecurity and injustice. For instance, squatters cultivating a peri-urban riverbed for their own food provision may be most directly affected by cyclical flooding (Marshall et al. 2009; Baviskar 2011). The first objective of this project is to map the nexus of uneven vulnerabilities in-the-making in three highly-dynamic cities in East Africa, Brazil and Europe, driven by the research question: How are urban vulnerabilities co-constituted with trade-offs and aggravations at the food, water, energy and the environment Nexus? The second objective is to use the dynamic maps of vulnerabilities to inform resilience-building efforts led by public policy and other practitioners, asking: How can urban governance exploit synergies of the urban Nexus and reconfigure the trade-offs, in practice, toward greater equity and resilience? To meet these objectives, we examine interdependent practices of provisioning food, water and energy by suppliers of services, maintenance workers, engineers/designers, planners, policymakers and, perhaps most centrally, end-users themselves. Each practitioner’s actions are made possible by associated actors and technologies, which together constitute a practice (Shove et al. 2007; Arora et al. 2013). A practice is continually readjusted as its surroundings change, which makes it apt for examining the dynamic situations encountered in rapidly urbanizing areas. Interdependent practices of provision at the urban Nexus are usefully approached using the notion of ecology of practices (Stengers 2005). The notion directs attention to junctures at which practices of users meet those of planners and service providers, and highlights the changing nature of (mis)alignment between practices over time and space. Building novel theoretical frameworks around this notion, we aim to produce dynamic vulnerability mappings that reveal unequal power relations within and between formal and informal networks, while facilitating an understanding of how practitioners can work across spatial and disciplinary boundaries to address vulnerabilities. The proposed approach potentially addresses an important governance challenge for policymakers and urban planners: How can they (re)design their practices and interventions to (i) open up pathways for other practitioners to (re)configure their practices toward greater equity and resilience (Thapa et al. 2010; Stirling 2008), and (ii) ensure that actors in power do not disqualify and lock out practices of the vulnerable (Di Chiro 2011; White and Stirling 2013; MacKinnon and Derickson 2013). Data was collected through i) semi-structured interviews with practitioners of urban gardening and/or zimnina making in the city of Sofia; and elites, including urban planners and national and municipal level policy-makers and utility providers for energy, water, food/agriculture and environmental protection; ii) participatory observations of urban gardening and making zimnina. Interviewees were selected out of group of urban gardeners in Sofia who used their produce to make zimnina. The former group of participants involved a mix of vulnerable practitioners (mainly pensioners and people on low income) and practitioners who were driven by the life-style benefits of the practices (quality of food, recreation, health and wellbeing benefits). Participants in the elite interviews were selected because of their involvement in the systems of provisioning of food, water and energy, and environmental protection at the national and urban level. Snowballing was used to recruit practitioners for urban gardening and zimnina making. Most practitioners were interviewed in both relation to zimnina making and urban gardening, and observed in multiple locations: their homes, gardens and locations for zimnina preparation and making.

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  • Authors: Delgaram-Nejad, Oliver;

    Images of Compound Affect (IsCA) is a collection of 156 black and white facial expression images, posed by one subject. These expressions form a catalogue of compounds associated with the emotion labels happiness, sadness, anger, disgust, fear, surprise, and contempt. Two sets were constructed: IsCA and IsCA+. IsCA+ includes colour bounding boxes and hand-drawn markup. The resulting sets and metadata were used to create adjunct reference material for certified and trainee FACS coders. The sets are organised by compound type. Single upper, single lower (SUSL) compounds depict the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face and another in the lower face. Neutral upper, single lower (NUSL) compounds depict neutrality in the upper face and the actions associated with one emotion label in the lower face. Single upper, neutral lower (SUNL) compounds depict neutrality in the lower face and the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face. Neutral upper, dual lower (NUDL) compounds depict neutrality in the upper face and the actions associated with two emotion labels in the lower face. Dual upper, neutral lower (DUNL) compounds depict neutrality in the lower face and the actions associated with two emotion labels in the upper face. Single upper, dual lower (SUDL) compounds depict the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face and two in the lower face. Dual upper, single lower (DUSL) compounds depict the actions associated with two emotion labels in the upper face and one in the lower face. Dual upper, dual lower (DUDL) compounds depict the actions associated with two emotion labels in the upper face and two in the lower face. Contempt (C) compounds depict (1) the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face with another in the lower face modified by a unilateral action associated with contempt, (2) the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face and a unilateral action associated with contempt in the lower face, and (3) neutrality in the upper face and the actions associated with one emotion label in the lower face modified by a unilateral action associated with contempt. Such arrangements are particularly suited to studies of face processing and emotion labelling in clinical populations. They also suit studies on partial facial neutrality and emotion labelling. Broader potential applications include testing and training FACS-based technologies, guiding the construction of multi-subject sets, proving concept and feasibility for complex controlled poses, and assisting creative industry projects. I took images in batches, between 2015 and 2016, with the technology and facilities available at the time. I made reasonable efforts to hold consistent camera; camera angle; room location; head, body, and eye position; clothing; and lighting. I took all images in the late evening for reasons incidental to the project. I selected emotion labels by reviewing several prominent resources and extracting concensus codes. I describe this process in Table 1 of the metadata document. I studied and became certified in the Facial Action Coding System (FACS; Ekman et al. 2002) prior to posing the images. It was not possible to involve other coders due to time and cost limitations; accordingly, where use of the material relies upon the FACS code metafields in version 1 of the IsCA(+) supplementary documentation, I advise users to seek input from at least one other FACS certified coder. I’d also be grateful of the chance to add their scores to future versions with permission, as this information is vital for the dataset’s continuous improvement.

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  • Authors: O'Hagan, L, Cardiff University;

    Edwardian book inscriptions can be described as any mark of ownership on the front endpapers of a book published between 1901 and 1914. This dataset contains 3,155 images of Edwardian book inscriptions (1901-1914) collected from Bookbarn International, Oxfam Online Shop and Cardiff University Special Collections and Archives. It also contains 236 booksellers' labels. Images are coded with a number and the name of the book in which they were originally found. Types of inscription include: ownership inscriptions, author inscriptions, association copies, gift inscriptions, prize inscriptions, prize stickers, bookplates, miscellaneous. The dataset also contains an Access database with detailed metadata for each of the 3,155 collected inscriptions. The metadata includes: ID, book category, book title, author, year of publication, publishing house, binding type, additional features, bookseller label, type of book inscription, inscription description, additional information, owner name, source, validity.Book inscriptions are ownership marks that can be found on the front endpapers or flyleaves of a book. Historically, only the inscriptions of prominent or wealthy figures have been given attention, while the inscriptions of 'ordinary people' have been disregarded as insignificant examples of vernacular writing. My doctoral research challenged this perception by contributing new knowledge on the ways in which inscriptions were used by all class groups in Edwardian Britain (1901-1914), drawing particular attention to voices that remain largely silent in archival records, such as the working classes, women and children. Specifically, my PhD sought to understand how book inscriptions contribute to our understanding of class conflict in Edwardian Britain combining social theory, archival research and multimodal discourse analysis to explore the meanings of image, colour, typography and texture choices in inscriptions, on the one hand, and the communicative and performative aspects of such vernacular literacy practices, on the other. I discovered that Edwardians of all classes realised the potential of the spaces in books to objectify their economic means and cultural necessities, and assert themselves in a social space, whether to uphold their rank or keep their distance from other groups. For the working classes, inscriptions offered an opportunity to demonstrate their recent intellectual emancipation by recording political messages and/or defacing books awarded as prizes. The middle classes, on the other hand, generally used inscriptions as symbolic gestures of social mobility to gain social capital and respect from peers. In contrast, the upper classes, who feared the collapse of hierarchical society, saw inscriptions as ways to advertise their wealth and high social status. I concluded that the inscriptions of all class groups have a high cultural value, as they act as important primary resources for understanding self-presentation, social conflict and class tension in early twentieth-century Britain. When combined with archival evidence, they unravel personal narratives that offer new accounts of history that stand in contrast to official narratives of national institutions of power. In applying for this fellowship, I aim to publish, share and expand upon my findings, as well as develop academic and professional networks. First, the fellowship will give me the time, space and resources to establish a strong publication record. It will enable me to publish papers in two peer-reviewed journals - Visual Communication and Journal of Historical Pragmatics - and start preparing chapters for a monograph for the Routledge Research in Literacy series. Second, the fellowship will allow me to disseminate my research to relevant academic and professional audiences, as well as the general public, through conference presentations and impact/engagement activities. The conferences will be in the main fields of my research (literacy studies, material/visual culture, social history), while activities will be focused on organising an exhibition and workshops within the university and at Glamorgan Archives. Third, the fellowship will support engagement with academic and professional networks within and beyond Cardiff University. Within Cardiff University, I will join the interdisciplinary visual culture research group ImageWorks, seek advice on digital archiving and big data from research software engineers in the Data Innovation Research Institute and develop my relationship with Special Collections. Outside of the university, I will share my research with Glamorgan Archives and the Edwardian Culture Network. Finally, the fellowship will enable me to produce an information leaflet for archives, museums and libraries that summarises the practical applications of my research. I will also examine opportunities to work with these stakeholders to increase the presence of vernacular writing/underrepresented groups in collections. Inscriptions were manually collected at Bookbarn International (Hallatrow, Somerset), Oxfam Online Shop (Cotham Hill, Bristol), Cardiff University Special Collections and Archives by searching each shelf to identity an Edwardian book. Photographs were taken of the inscriptions inside and metadata on the book and inscription were recorded and subsequently transcribed in an Access database.

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- The Post Office London Directory for 1916. County Suburbs (1916)<br><br>- The Post Office London Directory for 1917. County Suburbs (1917)<br><br>- The Post Office London Directory for 1918. County Suburbs (1918)<br><br>- The Post Office London Directory for 1919. County Suburbs (1919)

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- Kelly's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Cornwall (1906)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Post&nbsp; Office&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Falmouth&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Neighbourhood (1906)<br><br>- Besley's&nbsp; Exeter&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; and&nbsp; Business&nbsp; Guide&nbsp; (1906-11)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Post&nbsp; Office&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Falmouth&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Neighbourhood (1909)<br><br>- Lake's Falmouth Directory (1912)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Post&nbsp; Office&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Exeter&nbsp; and&nbsp; Suburbs (1912)<br><br>- Besleys' Directory of Exeter and Suburbs (1913)<br><br>- Besleys' Directory of Exeter and Suburbs (1914)<br><br>- Kelly's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Devonshire&nbsp; and&nbsp; Cornwall,&nbsp; 1914. [Part 1. Devon: County &amp; Localities] (1914)<br><br>- Kelly's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Devonshire&nbsp; and&nbsp; Cornwall,&nbsp; 1914. [Part 2. Devon: Private Resident &amp; Trade Directories] (1914)<br><br>- Kelly's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Devonshire&nbsp; and&nbsp; Cornwall&nbsp; ...&nbsp; 1914. [Part 3. Cornwall &amp; Advertisements] (1914)<br><br>- Besleys' Directory of Exeter and Suburbs (1915)<br><br>- Besley's Directory of Exeter and Suburbs (1916-19)<br><br>- T.A.D. Tavistock &amp; District Almanac, Directory and Visitors' Guide (1918)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Devonshire (1919)

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- History, Gazetteer, and Directory of Lincolnshire, and the city and diocese of Lincoln (1856)<br><br>- The City of Lincoln Directory, 1857. Containing an alphabetical list of the principal householders, a classified trade and professional list, a complete street directory, and a list of carriers, etc. (1857)<br><br>- Post Office Directory of Lincolnshire (1861)<br><br>- The Post Office Directory of Lincolnshire (1868)<br><br>- White's History, Gazetteer and Directory of Lincolnshire (1872)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1885)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1889)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln, with the surrounding district, containing street, and alphabetical and classified trades lists (1894)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1896)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln, with the surrounding district, containing street and alphabetical and classified trades lists (1897)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln, with the villages within a radius of ten miles, containing street and alphabetical and classified trades' lists (1901)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1905)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1909)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln (1913)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1913)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln containing street and alphabetical and classified trades lists and ... the villages within a radius of ten miles (1919)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1919)

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  • Authors: Millar, Katharine M;

    This collection contains photographs of ad-hoc, local, and/or temporary commemoration of the Covid-19 pandemic in Northern Ireland and Ireland in July 2022. It covers plaques, memorials, religious sites, and murals. The photographs cover republican and unionist communities, in Belfast, Londonderry/Derry, Donaghdee, and Dublin. The data was collected as part of the broader project: “The Challenge of Mass Deaths for Social Order in a Transnational Context: Experiencing COVID-19”, which studied death as, tragically, the central characteristic of the Covid-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom and abroad. It understood Covid-19 deaths as, in addition to private family tragedies, a political event with important implications for collective memory and social order. In particular, the study examined how ideas of time – of “timeliness” of decisions/deaths, of the meaning of a “lifetime”, of differential experiences of waiting and urgency/emergency – produced different experiences of pandemic death and grief. More precisely, the study did three things. First, it looked at how ideas of time were important to framing mass Covid-19 deaths as inevitable (or not) in three European countries, showing that “inevitability” was a matter of politics, rather than scale of death. Second, it looked at how the “pause” of Covid-19 lockdown interrupted the daily rhythms of life in Northern Ireland/Ireland, with local practices of ad-hoc Covid-19 commemoration demonstrating evidence of important, if brief, cross-community solidarity. (This is the aim to which the data contained here was collected). Third, and finally, the project looked at practices of body repatriation, a tragic but important and often-invisible form of transnational cooperation that upholds international social order and works to provide timely individual dignity in death.“The Challenge of Mass Deaths for Social Order in a Transnational Context: Experiencing COVID-19” studied death as, tragically, the central characteristic of the Covid-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom and abroad. It understood Covid-19 deaths as, in addition to private family tragedies, a political event with important implications for collective memory and social order. In particular, the study examined how ideas of time – of “timeliness” of decisions/deaths, of the meaning of a “lifetime”, of differential experiences of waiting and urgency/emergency – produced different experiences of pandemic death and grief. More precisely, the study did three things. First, it looked at how ideas of time were important to framing mass Covid-19 deaths as inevitable (or not) in three European countries, showing that “inevitability” was a matter of politics, rather than scale of death. Second, it looked at how the “pause” of Covid-19 lockdown interrupted the daily rhythms of life in Northern Ireland/Ireland, with local practices of ad-hoc Covid-19 commemoration demonstrating evidence of important, if brief, cross-community solidarity. Third, and finally, the project looked at practices of body repatriation, a tragic but important and often-invisible form of transnational cooperation that upholds international social order and works to provide timely individual dignity in death. Methodology is site-based ethnography and visual analysis. Method is digital photography.

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- Bailey's Western &amp; Midland Directory for ... 1783. [Also 1784. Nottinghamshire only] (1783-84)<br><br>- Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce &amp; Manufacture, 1791-98. Nottingham &amp; Newark extracts (1791-98)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Leicester&nbsp; Directory,&nbsp; describing&nbsp; the&nbsp; bankers,&nbsp; manufacturers, and principal tradesmen with their places of residence, also the professors of law, physic &amp; divinity, the corporation, clergy, militia &amp;c. (1794)<br><br>- The Leicester Directory, containing a general list of&nbsp; the&nbsp; merchants,&nbsp; tradesmen,&nbsp; manufacturers,&nbsp; and&nbsp; principal&nbsp; inhabitants&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester,&nbsp; arranged&nbsp; in&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp; order,&nbsp; separate&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp; lists of each particular trade and profession (1815)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; Directory,&nbsp; containing&nbsp; a&nbsp; general&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; merchants,&nbsp; tradesmen,&nbsp; and&nbsp; principal&nbsp; inhabitants&nbsp; of&nbsp; Nottingham, New Radford, and New Snenton (1815)<br><br>- Pigot's Directory of Leicestershire, 1822, 1828, 1835 (1822-35)<br><br>- Glover's&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; Directory,&nbsp; for&nbsp; 1825,&nbsp; being&nbsp; a&nbsp; general list of the merchants, tradesmen, and principal inhabitants of Nottingham, New Radford and New Snenton (1825)<br><br>- The&nbsp;&nbsp; Leicester&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory;&nbsp;&nbsp; containing&nbsp;&nbsp; an&nbsp;&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; inhabitants,&nbsp; a&nbsp; complete&nbsp; classification&nbsp; of&nbsp; trades,&nbsp; a&nbsp; new&nbsp; arrangement&nbsp; of&nbsp; coaches&nbsp; and&nbsp; carriers,&nbsp; a&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; all&nbsp; the&nbsp; civil&nbsp; officers&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; town&nbsp; and&nbsp; county,&nbsp; the&nbsp; public&nbsp; institutions,&nbsp; churches and chapels, &amp;c. (1827)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; county&nbsp; of&nbsp; Derby,&nbsp; containing&nbsp; upwards of fifteen thousand names ... accurately taken during the years 1827, '8, and '9 (1829)<br><br>- History,&nbsp;&nbsp; Gazetteer,&nbsp;&nbsp; and&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; Nottinghamshire, and the ... town of Nottingham (1832)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; Annual&nbsp; Register;&nbsp; containing&nbsp; an&nbsp; almanack,&nbsp; useful&nbsp; tables,&nbsp; chronicle&nbsp; of&nbsp; parliament,&nbsp; and&nbsp; remarkable&nbsp; occurrences,&nbsp; also&nbsp; a&nbsp; new&nbsp; and&nbsp; corrected&nbsp; directory&nbsp; for&nbsp; 1840 (1840)<br><br>- A&nbsp; Guide&nbsp; to&nbsp; Leicester,&nbsp; containing&nbsp; a&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; streets,&nbsp; lanes,&nbsp; yards,&nbsp; &amp;c.,&nbsp; a&nbsp; directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; principal&nbsp; inhabitants,&nbsp; classification of trades and professions ... with an almanack for 1843, county information, etc. (1843)<br><br>- History,&nbsp;&nbsp; Gazetteer,&nbsp;&nbsp; and&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; Leicestershire,&nbsp; and&nbsp; the&nbsp; small&nbsp; county&nbsp; of&nbsp; Rutland;&nbsp; together&nbsp; with&nbsp; the&nbsp; adjacent towns of Grantham &amp; Stamford (1846)<br><br>- Lascelles and Hagar's Commercial Directory of the town&nbsp; and&nbsp; county&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; town&nbsp; of&nbsp; Nottingham;&nbsp; also&nbsp; the&nbsp; parishes&nbsp; of&nbsp; Basford,&nbsp; Bridgford,&nbsp; Carlton,&nbsp; Lenton,&nbsp; Radford,&nbsp; Sneinton,&nbsp; Wilford,&nbsp; and&nbsp; Wollaton (1848)<br><br>- Slater's Directory of Rutlandshire (1850)<br><br>- Freebody's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; Towns&nbsp; of&nbsp; Derby,&nbsp; Chesterfield,&nbsp;&nbsp; Alfreton,&nbsp;&nbsp; Buxton,&nbsp;&nbsp; Bakewell,&nbsp;&nbsp; Matlock,&nbsp;&nbsp; Wirksworth,&nbsp;&nbsp; Ashbourn,&nbsp; Belper,&nbsp; Melbourn,&nbsp; Ripley,&nbsp; Burtonupon-&nbsp; Trent,&nbsp; &amp;c.&nbsp; &amp;c.&nbsp; &amp;c. (1852)<br><br>- Melville&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Co.'s&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; and&nbsp; Gazetteer&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicestershire,&nbsp; including&nbsp; all&nbsp; the&nbsp; market&nbsp; towns,&nbsp; with&nbsp; the&nbsp; adjacent&nbsp; villages, and containing a descriptive account of each place, followed by the directory (1854)<br><br>- Post&nbsp;&nbsp; Office&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; Derbyshire&nbsp;&nbsp; and&nbsp;&nbsp; Nottinghamshire (1855)<br><br>- Post&nbsp;&nbsp; Office&nbsp;&nbsp; Directory&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; Derbyshire,&nbsp;&nbsp; Leicestershire,&nbsp; Nottinghamshire&nbsp; and&nbsp; Rutlandshire.&nbsp; [1855.&nbsp; Leics&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Rutland only] (1855)<br><br>- Slater's Directory of Rutlandshire (1858)<br><br>- Wright's&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; and&nbsp; Suburban&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; for&nbsp; 1858 (1858)<br><br>- Commercial Directory of Leicestershire, containing an&nbsp;&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp;&nbsp; list&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; the&nbsp;&nbsp; gentry,&nbsp;&nbsp; merchants,&nbsp;&nbsp; manufacturers,&nbsp;&nbsp; professions,&nbsp; trades,&nbsp; etc.;&nbsp; and&nbsp; separate&nbsp; historical,&nbsp; statistical,&nbsp; and&nbsp; topographical&nbsp; descriptions&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; hundreds,&nbsp; towns,&nbsp; parishes (1861)<br><br>- Gazetteer&nbsp; and&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; Counties&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Rutland;&nbsp; containing&nbsp; an&nbsp; alphabetical&nbsp; list&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; gentry,&nbsp; merchants,&nbsp; manufacturers,&nbsp; professions,&nbsp; trades,&nbsp; etc.;&nbsp; and&nbsp; separate&nbsp; historical,&nbsp;&nbsp; statistical,&nbsp;&nbsp; and&nbsp;&nbsp; topographical&nbsp;&nbsp; descriptions&nbsp;&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; the&nbsp;&nbsp; hundreds, towns, parishes (1861)<br><br>- Slater's Directory of Leicestershire (1862)<br><br>- Wright's&nbsp; Nottingham&nbsp; and&nbsp; Suburban&nbsp; Directory,&nbsp; for&nbsp; 1862 (1862)<br><br>- History, Gazetteer, and Directory of the Counties of&nbsp; Leicester&nbsp; and&nbsp; Rutland,&nbsp; comprising&nbsp; general&nbsp; surveys&nbsp; of&nbsp; each&nbsp; county,&nbsp; and separate historical, statistical and topographical descriptions of all their hundreds, towns, parishes (1863)<br><br>- Buchanan&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Co.'s&nbsp; Postal&nbsp; and&nbsp; Commercial&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester,&nbsp; including&nbsp; the&nbsp; market&nbsp; towns&nbsp; of&nbsp; Ashby-de-la-Zouch, Hinckley,&nbsp; Loughboro',&nbsp; Lutterworth,&nbsp; Market&nbsp; Bosworth,&nbsp; Market&nbsp; Harborough,&nbsp; Melton&nbsp; Mowbray,&nbsp; Mountsorrel,&nbsp; Whitwick,&nbsp; and&nbsp; surrounding&nbsp; villages (1867)<br><br>- Street,&nbsp; Alphabetical,&nbsp; and&nbsp; Trade&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester (1870)<br><br>- C. N. Wright's Directory of South Derbyshire, also including Alfreton, Ashbourne, Wirksworth, Tutbury, Burton-on-Trent and other&nbsp; places&nbsp; in&nbsp; Staffordshire,&nbsp; Notts.&nbsp; and&nbsp; Leicestershire&nbsp; within&nbsp; 12&nbsp; miles of Derby (1874)<br><br>- S.&nbsp; Barker&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Co.'s&nbsp; General&nbsp; Topographical&nbsp; and&nbsp; Historical&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; for&nbsp; the&nbsp; counties&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester,&nbsp; Rutland,&nbsp; &amp;c.&nbsp; ...&nbsp; The historic sketch of Leicester by James Thompson (1875)<br><br>- Commercial and General Directory and Red Book of Leicester and Suburbs (1875)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Post&nbsp; Office&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; counties&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester and Rutland (1876)<br><br>- Post Office Directory of Nottinghamshire (1876)<br><br>- History,&nbsp; Gazetteer&nbsp; and&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; the&nbsp; Counties&nbsp; of Leicester and Rutland, comprising general surveys of each county and separate historical, statistical and topographical descriptions of all the hundreds, towns, parishes (1877)<br><br>- Commercial&nbsp; and&nbsp; General&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; and&nbsp; Red&nbsp; Book&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicester &amp; six miles round, with Sileby and Mountsorrel (1878)<br><br>- Spencers' Illustrated Leicester Almanack, Diary, Peerage, Baronetage, Directory, and General Advertiser, for 1880 (1880)<br><br>- Commercial&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; General&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Leicestershire&nbsp; and Rutland, also Grantham, Stamford, and Atherstone (1880)

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  • Authors: Graham, M, Oxford Internet Institute; Howson, K, Oxford Internet Institute;

    Work on digital labour platforms has been shown to frequently fall short of decent labour standards. Platform work takes place in a highly unregulated context, and in most countries platform workers are not protected by minimum labour standards governing pay, health and safety, fair due process, and representation. Platform work has rapidly expanded as an anticipated engine of job creation in the Global South, however, there is a lack of data to enable policymakers to evaluate job quality in the platform economy, and the potential of platform work to provide sustainable livelihoods. This project gathered data in South Africa against a set of criteria of decent platform work (the Fairwork Principles). The Principles were established through a process of consultation and consensus building with platform workers, platforms and other stakeholders from several regions, at meetings held at the ILO in 2018. Drawing on evidence provided by platform managers, research interviews with platform workers, and desk research, the resultant data took the form of 'scores' for prominent platforms in South Africa against five principles, and ten thresholds of decent work. We now share annual fairness scorecards for key platforms operating in the South African market, for 2019, 2020 and 2021.There are millions of platform workers who live all over the world, doing work that is outsourced or organised via digital platforms or apps in the gig economy. This work can include jobs as varied as taxi driving using Uber, translation on Upwork, or the training of machine learning algorithms through Amazon's Mechanical Turk. Despite the potential of such work to give jobs to those who need them, platform workers have little ability to negotiate wages and working conditions with their employers, who are often on the other side of the world. Our previous research has shown that platforms often operate in relatively unregulated ways, and can encourage a race to the bottom in terms of workers' ability to defend existing jobs, liveable wages, and dignified working conditions. The potentials and risks of platform work touch down starkly in South Africa. A country that, by some measures, has the world's highest income inequality, and 28% unemployment rates. At the same time, the country has relatively well-developed internet infrastructure, and a relatively stable political climate and state/legal institutions. These factors make the country a site in which the platform economy is nascent enough to allow us to co-develop solutions with a multi-disciplinary team from Law and the Social Sciences that will offer tangible opportunities to influence policy and practice surrounding digital work. As other middle- and low-income countries quickly develop their internet infrastructures and millions of more potential digital workers rush online in search of opportunities, the interventions that this project proposes will be of crucial need if we are to avoid some of the 'race to the bottom' that the current world of digital work is bringing into being. Our project will culminate in two key initiatives. First, building on a work package of legal research, a Code of Practice will be developed to serve as an interpretive tool to outline the ways that existing regulations can be made applicable to platform workers. Second, we will develop a 'Fairwork Foundation.' Much like the Fairtrade Foundation has been able to certify the production chains of commodities like coffee or chocolate, the Fairwork Foundation will certify the production networks of the platform economy, and therefore harness consumer power to significantly contribute to the welfare and job quality of digital workers. This programme of work aims to not just uncover where fair and unfair work takes place, but also seeks to codify that knowledge into both a 'Fairwork certification scheme' and an annual ranking of platforms. These two initiatives will ultimately allow for the development of an international standard for good-quality digital working conditions. These objectives will be achieved with 5 project stages. First, the Law team will analyse S. African labour laws, social security laws, and other legal and policy regulations relating to the platform economy, and ask how those laws might be adapted to provide decent work standards for digital platform workers. At the same time, the Social Science team will use a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods to map the key issues faced by S. African platform workers: developing a rich understanding of how platform work may be failing to live up to decent work standards. Third, we develop meaningful decent work standards for platform work that happens outside of the Global North. Fourth, we take those standards and use them in a process of action research in which we seek to certify the digital work platforms: assigning them a Fairwork certification if they pass. Finally, through an extended process of stakeholder engagement and outreach with workers, platforms, and policy makers, we plan a short-term strategy of pressuring platforms to change their policies to improve working conditions and a longer-term strategy of influencing the direction that regulation takes in a currently highly unregulated sector. The five principles and ten thresholds of fair platform work were established through a process of stakeholder consultation with workers, platform managers and other experts from multiple regions including Africa, Asia and Europe. They were initially decided at meetings held at the ILO in Geneva in 2018, and have since undergone two processes of consultative revision to ensure ongoing relevance and sensitivity. Fairness scores for each platform are decided based on qualitative data gathering and peer review. Researchers triangulate between three sources of data: Desk Research Each annual Fairwork ratings cycle starts with desk research to map the range of platforms to be scored, identify points of contact with management, develop suitable interview guides and survey instruments, and design recruitment strategies to access workers. For each platform, we also gather and analyse contracts, terms and conditions, and digital interfaces. Desk research also flags up any publicly available information that could assist us in scoring different platforms, for instance the provision of particular services to workers, or the existence of past or ongoing disputes. Manager Interviews The second method involves approaching platforms for evidence. We interview platform managers and request evidence for each of the Fairwork principles. This provides insights into the operation and business model of the platform, while also opening up a dialogue through which the platform could agree to implement improvements to working conditions. In cases where platform managers do not agree to interviews nor share any evidence with us, we base our scoring on evidence obtained through desk-based research and worker interviews. Worker Surveys and Interviews The third method involves collecting data directly from platform workers. This allows us to see workers’ contracts and learn about platform policies and practices that pertain to their working conditions. Workers who participate in our research are fairly compensated for their time and efforts, and their survey and interview responses are kept entirely confidential. Gig Work Platforms: We employ a diverse worker recruitment strategy that incorporates both on- and off-platform methods. We recruit workers by hiring their services via the platform (e.g., by ordering an Uber), approaching workers at known worker meeting points (e.g., at spots where delivery couriers congregate), through social media sites and online forums (e.g., on Facebook, WhatsApp or Reddit) and using snowball sampling (where workers we interview refer us to their colleagues). We interview 6-10 workers at each platform. These interviews do not aim to build a representative sample but instead seek to understand the processes of work, and the ways it is carried out and managed. In other words, data from workers is useful to understand whether problems exist; they are not used to understand how prevalent those problems are. Worker interviews also help us understand how platform policies work (for which representative samples are not needed). Interview data, per the provisions of this projects' ethics clearance is gathered with the assurance of strict confidentiality, as it carries a risk of potential identification and retaliation against workers by platforms. From Data to Ratings This threefold methodological approach allows us to cross-check the claims made by platform management, while also providing the opportunity to collect evidence from multiple sources. Final scores are collectively decided by the Fairwork team based on all three forms of information gathering. The scores are decided through a rigorous peer review process that includes the core team of researchers involved in planning and executing the research (e.g. the Fairwork South Africa team) the central Fairwork team based in Oxford, and two reviewers from other Fairwork country teams. This allows us to provide consistency and scientific rigour to the scoring process. Points are only awarded if clear evidence exists on each threshold.

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- Pigot's Directory of Northamptonshire (1841)<br><br>- Directory of the Town of Northampton: with a complete list of the clergy, gentry, merchants, manufacturers, professions, trades, &amp;c., &amp;c., &amp;c.: also a detailed account of the Northampton charities, religious &amp; other local institutions (1853)<br><br>- History, Gazetteer and Directory of the County of Huntingdon; comprising a general survey of the county, and embracing separate historical descriptions of the united boroughs of Huntingdon and Godmanchester, and all the market towns, together with notices of every parish (1854)<br><br>- History, Topography, &amp; Directory of Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire, to which is prefixed an abridgment of the early history of England (1862)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Northamptonshire (1890)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire (1890)<br><br>- Northampton Directory. Containing: directory of private residents, trades, professions, &amp; streets; county, municipal, topographical, and general information. (1893/94)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Hunts and Northamptonshire (1898)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Hunts and Northamptonshire (1903)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Northamptonshire (1906)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire (1910) [Bedfordshire only]<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Huntingdonshire (1910)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Northamptonshire (1910)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire (1914) [Northamptonshire only]<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire (1914) [Huntingdonshire only]<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire (1914) [Bedfordshire only] <br>

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  • Authors: Hiteva, Ralitsa;

    The project was designed with societal, policy and research impact in mind. The target audiences of the project included local authorities, the urban poor and other practitioners (such as engineers and NGOs) and researchers. Societally, the primary beneficiaries of the project are expected to be urban practitioners (policy-makers/planners, engineers/designers, service providers, NGOs, and poor end-users). This photographic data on urban gardening and making zimnina in Sofia, Bulgaria collected from June 2017 until March 2018.Cities are complex networked spaces where multiple interdependent socio-economic, technoscientific and environmental activities are concentrated. Due to rural-urban migration and climate change, augmented by other pressures (e.g. from ‘global’ markets), provisioning of many basic services and commodities such as food, water and energy requires constant adaptation and reform. This adaptation/reform is necessary to build resilience, to address vulnerabilities and to guarantee equitable access. However, the focus on creating ‘resilient urban systems’ in policy circles breeds a disjuncture between resilience approaches/efforts and the production (and experience) of vulnerabilities on the ground (see section 12). This disjuncture is compounded by two sets of critical challenges. First, as highlighted by the intellectual and political movement on environmental (in)justices (Agyeman et al. 2002; Sundberg 2008; Walker 2009; Carmin and Agyeman 2011), vulnerabilities and access to key services are unevenly distributed among city dwellers. Vulnerability, understood as ‘the inability of an individual or group to cope with adversities’, is experienced by the urban poor more acutely than other social classes (Wisner et al. 2004; Hogan and Marandola 2005; Douglas et al. 2008; Anguelovski and Roberts 2011). Both poverty and vulnerability may be exacerbated by the unequal provisioning of key services. Second, the material flows and infrastructures involved in provisioning basic services are deeply interdependent. This interdependence has recently gained considerable international policy attention under the rubric of the ‘Nexus’ of food, water, energy and the environment/climate (Martin-Nagle et al. 2012; Dodds and Bartram 2014; Allouche et al. 2014; Wilsdon and Cairns 2014). Associated with the Nexus are, a) trade-offs such as those encountered in water use for provisioning bio-energy instead of food; b) aggravations when one sector’s problems (such as water pollution) impair others (e.g. food provision); and c) synergies that arise, for example, when removing a barrier to energy access streamlines flows of food and/or water. The trade-offs and aggravations of the urban Nexus pose challenges that cut across spatial scales as well as across sectors and silos in existing research and governance organizations. The two sets of challenges are most seriously encountered in the form of the ‘nexus of (uneven) vulnerabilities’ (Stirling 2014). It is at this nexus that vulnerability to water contamination may be exacerbated by vulnerability to hunger and lack of access to energy. And it is here that any new vulnerabilities engendered by a social, technological or ecological ‘event’ interact with existing forms of insecurity and injustice. For instance, squatters cultivating a peri-urban riverbed for their own food provision may be most directly affected by cyclical flooding (Marshall et al. 2009; Baviskar 2011). The first objective of this project is to map the nexus of uneven vulnerabilities in-the-making in three highly-dynamic cities in East Africa, Brazil and Europe, driven by the research question: How are urban vulnerabilities co-constituted with trade-offs and aggravations at the food, water, energy and the environment Nexus? The second objective is to use the dynamic maps of vulnerabilities to inform resilience-building efforts led by public policy and other practitioners, asking: How can urban governance exploit synergies of the urban Nexus and reconfigure the trade-offs, in practice, toward greater equity and resilience? To meet these objectives, we examine interdependent practices of provisioning food, water and energy by suppliers of services, maintenance workers, engineers/designers, planners, policymakers and, perhaps most centrally, end-users themselves. Each practitioner’s actions are made possible by associated actors and technologies, which together constitute a practice (Shove et al. 2007; Arora et al. 2013). A practice is continually readjusted as its surroundings change, which makes it apt for examining the dynamic situations encountered in rapidly urbanizing areas. Interdependent practices of provision at the urban Nexus are usefully approached using the notion of ecology of practices (Stengers 2005). The notion directs attention to junctures at which practices of users meet those of planners and service providers, and highlights the changing nature of (mis)alignment between practices over time and space. Building novel theoretical frameworks around this notion, we aim to produce dynamic vulnerability mappings that reveal unequal power relations within and between formal and informal networks, while facilitating an understanding of how practitioners can work across spatial and disciplinary boundaries to address vulnerabilities. The proposed approach potentially addresses an important governance challenge for policymakers and urban planners: How can they (re)design their practices and interventions to (i) open up pathways for other practitioners to (re)configure their practices toward greater equity and resilience (Thapa et al. 2010; Stirling 2008), and (ii) ensure that actors in power do not disqualify and lock out practices of the vulnerable (Di Chiro 2011; White and Stirling 2013; MacKinnon and Derickson 2013). Data was collected through i) semi-structured interviews with practitioners of urban gardening and/or zimnina making in the city of Sofia; and elites, including urban planners and national and municipal level policy-makers and utility providers for energy, water, food/agriculture and environmental protection; ii) participatory observations of urban gardening and making zimnina. Interviewees were selected out of group of urban gardeners in Sofia who used their produce to make zimnina. The former group of participants involved a mix of vulnerable practitioners (mainly pensioners and people on low income) and practitioners who were driven by the life-style benefits of the practices (quality of food, recreation, health and wellbeing benefits). Participants in the elite interviews were selected because of their involvement in the systems of provisioning of food, water and energy, and environmental protection at the national and urban level. Snowballing was used to recruit practitioners for urban gardening and zimnina making. Most practitioners were interviewed in both relation to zimnina making and urban gardening, and observed in multiple locations: their homes, gardens and locations for zimnina preparation and making.

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  • Authors: Delgaram-Nejad, Oliver;

    Images of Compound Affect (IsCA) is a collection of 156 black and white facial expression images, posed by one subject. These expressions form a catalogue of compounds associated with the emotion labels happiness, sadness, anger, disgust, fear, surprise, and contempt. Two sets were constructed: IsCA and IsCA+. IsCA+ includes colour bounding boxes and hand-drawn markup. The resulting sets and metadata were used to create adjunct reference material for certified and trainee FACS coders. The sets are organised by compound type. Single upper, single lower (SUSL) compounds depict the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face and another in the lower face. Neutral upper, single lower (NUSL) compounds depict neutrality in the upper face and the actions associated with one emotion label in the lower face. Single upper, neutral lower (SUNL) compounds depict neutrality in the lower face and the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face. Neutral upper, dual lower (NUDL) compounds depict neutrality in the upper face and the actions associated with two emotion labels in the lower face. Dual upper, neutral lower (DUNL) compounds depict neutrality in the lower face and the actions associated with two emotion labels in the upper face. Single upper, dual lower (SUDL) compounds depict the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face and two in the lower face. Dual upper, single lower (DUSL) compounds depict the actions associated with two emotion labels in the upper face and one in the lower face. Dual upper, dual lower (DUDL) compounds depict the actions associated with two emotion labels in the upper face and two in the lower face. Contempt (C) compounds depict (1) the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face with another in the lower face modified by a unilateral action associated with contempt, (2) the actions associated with one emotion label in the upper face and a unilateral action associated with contempt in the lower face, and (3) neutrality in the upper face and the actions associated with one emotion label in the lower face modified by a unilateral action associated with contempt. Such arrangements are particularly suited to studies of face processing and emotion labelling in clinical populations. They also suit studies on partial facial neutrality and emotion labelling. Broader potential applications include testing and training FACS-based technologies, guiding the construction of multi-subject sets, proving concept and feasibility for complex controlled poses, and assisting creative industry projects. I took images in batches, between 2015 and 2016, with the technology and facilities available at the time. I made reasonable efforts to hold consistent camera; camera angle; room location; head, body, and eye position; clothing; and lighting. I took all images in the late evening for reasons incidental to the project. I selected emotion labels by reviewing several prominent resources and extracting concensus codes. I describe this process in Table 1 of the metadata document. I studied and became certified in the Facial Action Coding System (FACS; Ekman et al. 2002) prior to posing the images. It was not possible to involve other coders due to time and cost limitations; accordingly, where use of the material relies upon the FACS code metafields in version 1 of the IsCA(+) supplementary documentation, I advise users to seek input from at least one other FACS certified coder. I’d also be grateful of the chance to add their scores to future versions with permission, as this information is vital for the dataset’s continuous improvement.

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  • Authors: O'Hagan, L, Cardiff University;

    Edwardian book inscriptions can be described as any mark of ownership on the front endpapers of a book published between 1901 and 1914. This dataset contains 3,155 images of Edwardian book inscriptions (1901-1914) collected from Bookbarn International, Oxfam Online Shop and Cardiff University Special Collections and Archives. It also contains 236 booksellers' labels. Images are coded with a number and the name of the book in which they were originally found. Types of inscription include: ownership inscriptions, author inscriptions, association copies, gift inscriptions, prize inscriptions, prize stickers, bookplates, miscellaneous. The dataset also contains an Access database with detailed metadata for each of the 3,155 collected inscriptions. The metadata includes: ID, book category, book title, author, year of publication, publishing house, binding type, additional features, bookseller label, type of book inscription, inscription description, additional information, owner name, source, validity.Book inscriptions are ownership marks that can be found on the front endpapers or flyleaves of a book. Historically, only the inscriptions of prominent or wealthy figures have been given attention, while the inscriptions of 'ordinary people' have been disregarded as insignificant examples of vernacular writing. My doctoral research challenged this perception by contributing new knowledge on the ways in which inscriptions were used by all class groups in Edwardian Britain (1901-1914), drawing particular attention to voices that remain largely silent in archival records, such as the working classes, women and children. Specifically, my PhD sought to understand how book inscriptions contribute to our understanding of class conflict in Edwardian Britain combining social theory, archival research and multimodal discourse analysis to explore the meanings of image, colour, typography and texture choices in inscriptions, on the one hand, and the communicative and performative aspects of such vernacular literacy practices, on the other. I discovered that Edwardians of all classes realised the potential of the spaces in books to objectify their economic means and cultural necessities, and assert themselves in a social space, whether to uphold their rank or keep their distance from other groups. For the working classes, inscriptions offered an opportunity to demonstrate their recent intellectual emancipation by recording political messages and/or defacing books awarded as prizes. The middle classes, on the other hand, generally used inscriptions as symbolic gestures of social mobility to gain social capital and respect from peers. In contrast, the upper classes, who feared the collapse of hierarchical society, saw inscriptions as ways to advertise their wealth and high social status. I concluded that the inscriptions of all class groups have a high cultural value, as they act as important primary resources for understanding self-presentation, social conflict and class tension in early twentieth-century Britain. When combined with archival evidence, they unravel personal narratives that offer new accounts of history that stand in contrast to official narratives of national institutions of power. In applying for this fellowship, I aim to publish, share and expand upon my findings, as well as develop academic and professional networks. First, the fellowship will give me the time, space and resources to establish a strong publication record. It will enable me to publish papers in two peer-reviewed journals - Visual Communication and Journal of Historical Pragmatics - and start preparing chapters for a monograph for the Routledge Research in Literacy series. Second, the fellowship will allow me to disseminate my research to relevant academic and professional audiences, as well as the general public, through conference presentations and impact/engagement activities. The conferences will be in the main fields of my research (literacy studies, material/visual culture, social history), while activities will be focused on organising an exhibition and workshops within the university and at Glamorgan Archives. Third, the fellowship will support engagement with academic and professional networks within and beyond Cardiff University. Within Cardiff University, I will join the interdisciplinary visual culture research group ImageWorks, seek advice on digital archiving and big data from research software engineers in the Data Innovation Research Institute and develop my relationship with Special Collections. Outside of the university, I will share my research with Glamorgan Archives and the Edwardian Culture Network. Finally, the fellowship will enable me to produce an information leaflet for archives, museums and libraries that summarises the practical applications of my research. I will also examine opportunities to work with these stakeholders to increase the presence of vernacular writing/underrepresented groups in collections. Inscriptions were manually collected at Bookbarn International (Hallatrow, Somerset), Oxfam Online Shop (Cotham Hill, Bristol), Cardiff University Special Collections and Archives by searching each shelf to identity an Edwardian book. Photographs were taken of the inscriptions inside and metadata on the book and inscription were recorded and subsequently transcribed in an Access database.

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- The Post Office London Directory for 1916. County Suburbs (1916)<br><br>- The Post Office London Directory for 1917. County Suburbs (1917)<br><br>- The Post Office London Directory for 1918. County Suburbs (1918)<br><br>- The Post Office London Directory for 1919. County Suburbs (1919)

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- Kelly's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Cornwall (1906)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Post&nbsp; Office&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Falmouth&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Neighbourhood (1906)<br><br>- Besley's&nbsp; Exeter&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; and&nbsp; Business&nbsp; Guide&nbsp; (1906-11)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Post&nbsp; Office&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Falmouth&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp; Neighbourhood (1909)<br><br>- Lake's Falmouth Directory (1912)<br><br>- The&nbsp; Post&nbsp; Office&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Exeter&nbsp; and&nbsp; Suburbs (1912)<br><br>- Besleys' Directory of Exeter and Suburbs (1913)<br><br>- Besleys' Directory of Exeter and Suburbs (1914)<br><br>- Kelly's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Devonshire&nbsp; and&nbsp; Cornwall,&nbsp; 1914. [Part 1. Devon: County &amp; Localities] (1914)<br><br>- Kelly's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Devonshire&nbsp; and&nbsp; Cornwall,&nbsp; 1914. [Part 2. Devon: Private Resident &amp; Trade Directories] (1914)<br><br>- Kelly's&nbsp; Directory&nbsp; of&nbsp; Devonshire&nbsp; and&nbsp; Cornwall&nbsp; ...&nbsp; 1914. [Part 3. Cornwall &amp; Advertisements] (1914)<br><br>- Besleys' Directory of Exeter and Suburbs (1915)<br><br>- Besley's Directory of Exeter and Suburbs (1916-19)<br><br>- T.A.D. Tavistock &amp; District Almanac, Directory and Visitors' Guide (1918)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Devonshire (1919)

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  • Authors: Cornell, E.;

    <p>The aim of the project was to improve access to local and trade directories for the period 1750-1919 by making a substantial collection of English and Welsh directories available online as a Digital Library of Historical Directories.<br> This digital resource comprises in total some 600 directories, covering every English county together with Wales, and ranging widely over the period 1750-1919 (the latter cut-off point chosen for copyright reasons). There is a particular focus on the 1850s, 1890s and 1910s, with at least one directory provided for each county in each of these decades.<br> The digitisation of the volumes involved a two-stage process, in which (1) the hard-copy source was scanned to produce a graphic image of each page, and then (2) those images were processed using OCR software to generate a machine-readable text file.</p><p><br></p><p>An <a href="http://specialcollections.le.ac.uk/digital/collection/p16445coll4" target="_blank">online version</a> of this resource can be found on the Website of the University of Leicester.<br> <br> <br> </p> This data collection includes the following directories:<br><br>- History, Gazetteer, and Directory of Lincolnshire, and the city and diocese of Lincoln (1856)<br><br>- The City of Lincoln Directory, 1857. Containing an alphabetical list of the principal householders, a classified trade and professional list, a complete street directory, and a list of carriers, etc. (1857)<br><br>- Post Office Directory of Lincolnshire (1861)<br><br>- The Post Office Directory of Lincolnshire (1868)<br><br>- White's History, Gazetteer and Directory of Lincolnshire (1872)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1885)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1889)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln, with the surrounding district, containing street, and alphabetical and classified trades lists (1894)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1896)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln, with the surrounding district, containing street and alphabetical and classified trades lists (1897)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln, with the villages within a radius of ten miles, containing street and alphabetical and classified trades' lists (1901)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1905)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1909)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln (1913)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1913)<br><br>- Directory of the City of Lincoln containing street and alphabetical and classified trades lists and ... the villages within a radius of ten miles (1919)<br><br>- Kelly's Directory of Lincolnshire (1919)

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