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Wood is one of the most important materials that has been used for several millennia. It is therefore not surprising that wood plays an important role in the cultural and technical heritage of several European countries and beyond. An excellent example of cultural and technical heritage is a wooden mill, almost 100-year-old, near Cazin in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These mills played an important role, especially in times of Bosnian war (1992- 95), when this region was cut off from electricity. The microscopic analysis of the wood materials used in the mills revealed that the mills were made of chestnut (Castanea sativa) and oak (Quercus sp.) wood. Sufficient durability of these wood species resulted in good structural integrity of the mills. The surface of the wood materials in the mills showed partial degradation patterns caused by weathering over the years. However, the interior parts of the wood materials were intact probably due to smoke deposits from the open fireplace. It is suggested that the roofing in the mills should be maintained regularly to prevent possible leaks to protect this heritage for future generations. Drvo je jedan od najvažnijih materijala koji se u industriji i graditeljstvu upotrebljava već nekoliko tisućljeća. Stoga ne čudi da drvo ima važnu ulogu u kulturnoj i tehničkoj baštini više europskih zemalja. Izvrstan primjer kulturnoga i tehničkog nasljeđa drveni je mlin u blizini Cazina, u Bosni i Hercegovini. Takvi su drveni mlinovi imali izrazito važnu ulogu u ratnim vremenima, kada je na ovom području bila prekinuta opskrba električnom energijom. Mikroskopskom analizom utvrđeno je da su mlinovi najčešće izgrađeni od drva pitomog kestena (Castanea sativa) i drva hrasta (Quercus sp.). Dobra trajnost pojedinih vrsta drva od kojih su mlinovi izgrađeni rezultirala je njihovom dobrom strukturnom cjelovitošću. Površina drva promatranog mlina djelomično je oštećena vremenskim utjecajima. Interijer je zaštićen od biološke razgradnje zbog naslaga dima koji je dolazio s otvorenog kamina. Važno je naglasiti da krovište drvenih mlinova treba redovito održavati kako bi se spriječilo potencijalno prokišnjavanje te baština zaštitila za buduće generacije.

This paper addresses a specific phenomenon concerning power concepts in‎ Canadian and EU foreign policies. As is widely known, the liberal-democratic ‎platform has dominated global relations after the end of the Cold War. Implemented ‎power approaches are studied from theoretical perspectives of liberalism/‎constructivism standpoints and their realist critique. Canada has been ‎presented mostly as a middle power in international relations trying to find‎ its specific role as a mediator and balancer among superpowers. On the other ‎hand, the EU is classified predominantly as a normative power with tendencies ‎to act as a great power from some point of view. In the paper, we analyse ‎both entities through the recent concept of ‘awkward power’, whereby states ‎have a so-called “dubious character”, acting in-between the potential of great‎ and middle powers.‎

The Thesaurus of Modern Slovene is a responsive dictionary: it is compiled automatically from existing language resources while further developments of the dictionary include user participation. Many of the features introduced by the responsive model are new to the Slovene language community (e.g. data is extracted automatically and includes some errors; nonexperts are involved in dictionary compilation; the resource is never truly finished). With financial support from the Slovene Ministry of culture, a survey was conducted to gauge (potential) user opinions on the new features. The paper presents the results of the survey (n = 671) including statistical analyses of dependencies between the respondents’ opinions and their reported familiarity with the new dictionary, their age, and their professional occupation. Slovar spomenk sodobne slovenščine odzivni je rječnik koji je automatski generiran iz postojećih jezičnih resursa, a daljnji razvoj rječnika uključuje sudjelovanje korisnika. Mnoge značajke odzivnoga rječnika nove su slovenskoj jezičnoj zajednici (npr. podatci se crpe automatski i imaju određene pogreške, nestručnjaci sudjeluju u sastavljanju rječnika koji nikad nije u potpunosti završen). Uz financijsku potporu Slovenskoga ministarstva kulture provedeno je istraživanje kako bi se utvrdili stavovi korisnika o tim novim značajkama. U radu se prikazuju rezultati istraživanja (n = 671) uključujući statističku analizu zavisnosti stavova sudionika istraživanja i njihova poznavanja novoga rječnika, dobi i zanimanja.

In Strpić’s book on Marx’s critique of political economy, the analysis of political and economic reception of Marx serves as starting point for the author’s assignment of contemporary position and relevance of Marx’s analysis. Both actualization and return to Marx always occur in the times of crisis, therefore his intellectual fate depends on changes within contemporary capitalism and its alternatives. In Marx’s analysis, the paradox of theoretical incompleteness stems from his aim for ideal epistemology of capitalism, which is also present in later Marxist interpretations, even Strpić’s. The contemporary problem of Marx lies in the metaphysics of theory of value and in the whole structure of commodity production, which prevents ontological transition of value, capital and capitalism. His approach is physiocratic more than it is pecuniary, and more economic than it is political. This is why Jacques Bidet’s reconstruction of Marx in the terms of modernity is based on “metastructure”, which is a universal politically legal point that is not present within Marx’s critique of political economy. Such a different approach presupposes understanding capitalism as inherently a political project. As it is proven by the author, political capitalism is not a special form of capitalism, nor it is historically connected with contemporary capitalism of the 21st century (in China and elsewhere), but is moreover its universal historical form. Marx’s critique of political economy turns out to be contemporary precisely at this overlooked point of his analysis. Political capitalism as “capitalism in general” demonstrates its relevance in the analysis of contemporary crises, which are not just politicaleconomic, but also ecological and even pandemic. In a series of crises of political capitalism we are faced with a choice between real autocratic “barbaric capitalism” and more utopic “cosmopolitan” eco-socialism. Političkoekonomskom analizom recepcije Marxa u Strpićevoj knjizi o Marxovoj kritici političke ekonomije autor želi pokazati kakav je suvremeni položaj i koja je moguća aktualnost Marxove analize. Do aktualizacije i povratka Marxu uvijek dolazi u vrijeme kriza, njegova intelektualna sudbina ovisi o preobrazbi sadašnjeg kapitalizma i njegovoj alternativi. Paradoks teorijske nedovršenosti u Marxovoj analizi zbog njegove spoznajne težnje za savršenstvom epistemologije kapitalizma postaje sudbina svih marksističkih interpretacija, pa tako i Strpićeve. Problem Marxa danas je upravo u metafizici teorije vrijednosti i cijeloga robnog sustava koji ne omogućuje ontologijske preobrazbe vrijednosti, kapitala i kapitalizma. Njegov teorijski pristup je više fiziokratski nego novčani, više ekonomski nego politički. Zato Bidetova rekonstrukcija Marxa u okvirima moderne polazi od “metastrukture” općega političkopravnog momenta, koji u marksovskoj kritici nedostaje. Primjeren pristup podrazumijeva poimanje kapitalizma kao eminentno političkoga: politički kapitalizam, kako pokazuje autor, nije poseban oblik kapitalizma, nije historijski vezan uz suvremeni oblik kapitalizma XXI. stoljeća (Kina...), nego je njegova univerzalna povijesna forma. Marxova je kritika političke ekonomije moderna upravo na tom nedovoljno određenom putu njegove analize. Politički kapitalizam kao “kapitalizam općenito” pokazuje svoju relevantnost u analizi suvremenih kriza, koje nisu više samo ekonomske nego ekologijske, pa i pandemijske. U nizu recentnih kriza političkog kapitalizma pokazuje se kako smo suočeni s izborom između realnog autokratskog “barbarskog kapitalizma” i više utopijskog “kozmopolitskog ekosocijalizma”.

The author analyses the writings of Slovene journals from the Primorska (Slovene Littoral) region in the period of the Balkan Wars, in the years 1912 and 1913. The article presents the shift of liberal Slovenes’ attitudes towards the Yugoslav idea and places it in the broader context of the conflict between various geopolitical ideas. The specific position of the Primorska region and Istria as well as the consequential geopolitical importance of Trieste were reflected in the inclination of those liberal Slovenians to the broader concept of the Yugoslav political idea, which included all South Slavic nations and was supposed to be the leverage for Slovenian political emancipation. Initially, the Slovene liberals, who were gathered in the political group named Edinost (Unity) in Trieste and around the journal Soča in Gorizia, favoured the idea of a third political unit within the Habsburg Monarchy, with the ambition of including Trieste and Gorizia into that entity. However, due to fears of being left outside of that third unit, these Slovenes abandoned so called ‘trialist’ idea. The defeats of the Ottoman Empire in the first round of the Balkan Wars resulted in omitting the Habsburg context in Slovene journals from the Primorska region, while the second round caused the exclusion of Bulgaria from the South Slavic state concepts, and pushed those Slovenes towards the narrower version of the Yugoslav idea, where Serbia was to have a central role. Autor analizira pisanje primorskih slovenskih liberalnih novina u vrijeme balkanskih ratova 1912. i 1913., prikazuje geopolitičke stavove toga političkoga kruga te ga smješta u širi kontekst sukoba različitih vizija jugoslavenstva. Specifičan položaj primorskih Slovenaca i geopolitičko značenje Trsta odrazili su se na naklonjenost toga dijela Slovenaca što širemu južnoslavenskom konceptu, koji je trebao biti poluga za slovensku političku emancipaciju. Isprva se taj dio Slovenaca zauzima za ujedinjenje južnoslavenskih naroda unutar Habsburške Monarhije, no analizirano razdoblje donosi preokret koji se očituje u ispuštanju habsburškoga okvira u prvom krugu balkanskih ratova. Drugi je pak krug prouzročio isključivanje Bugarske iz južnoslavenskih koncepata, čime se dio primorskih Slovenaca priklanja užoj viziji južnoslavenske državne ideje sa Srbijom u središnjoj ulozi.

GERARD MANLEY HOPKINS AND THE ECOLOGICAL BALANCE OF WILDNESS In the nineteenth century, the swing of anthropocentric forces wrought profoundly deleterious changes upon the face of the natural environment. Witnessing these metamorphic processes at work was Gerard Manley Hopkins, whose unique sensibility found the despoilment of nature by human hand no less than extremely dispiriting. Against a backdrop of the vanishing beauty, Hopkins fervidly engaged with the transforming world in his ecopoetical ruminations. He was not the first poet of ecological dissent, for during the Romantic period John Clare had poignantly expressed the anguish at what had then been the incipient stages of nature being disrobed of its inherent singularity. Being quite familiar with Clare’s ecopoetical meditations, the Jesuit poet was able to further elaborate upon Clare’s vision, while proving successful in presciently observing the discrepancies between wilderness as a cultural construct and a wildness whose emphasis upon the appreciation of the global through the local corresponds closely to the present-day awareness concerning the fragility of ecosystems. Most vividly and extensively, Hopkins explores the dyad of wildness and wilderness in poems like “Inversnaid,” “Duns Scotus’ Oxford,” and “Binsey Poplars,” wherein he truly establishes himself as one of the essential forerunners of modern ecological science.

Contrary to the common understanding that collective memory functions as a driver for fostering domestic peace, stability, a common national identity, and serves as a cornerstone for the realisation of specific national goals, our aim is to show how collective memory is understood as a constitutive element of foreign policy narratives and how memory can influence foreign policy choices (Anderson, 1983; Gillis, 199 4; Hobsbawm and Ranger, 1983; Bodnar, 1992; Schudson, 1993; Dian, 2017). Building on the work of Müller (2002), Bell (2010), Langenbacher and Shain (2010), Resende and Budryte (2014), Dian (2017) and Bachleitner (2018), we will argue that Serbia’s foreign policy choice in 2013 to sign the agreement with Kosovo is best understood with the help of an interpretative approach to foreign policy, as this issue de facto reflected the continuation of the role of sacrifice within Serbian collective memory. A narrative of victimisation was used to efficiently bridge the ‘guilt’ and tie it to the notion of great powers’ intervention. This article also examines the paradox of Serbia’s endeavours to hold on to Kosovo by looking into how the struggle over the nation’s past provides the fundamental ideational background for contemporary foreign policy choices.

The article aims mainly at analyzing the issue of legal (dis)continuity between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (hereinafter the Kingdom of SCS) within the context of an international dispute between Germany and the Kingdom of SCS, and to revealing the reasons for different court decisions interpretations in a particular case. By using the techniques of historical-legal and analytical methods in researching into documents and secondary opinions given by politicians and constitutional lawyers, the paper first gives a brief overview of international circumstances that enabled the post-war states formation. It also summarizes different opinions regarding the legal status of the State of SCS and the character of the First-December Act taking into account historical and modern international and constitutional criteria. The conclusion is made in the context of discussion regarding the central issue that Ivan Žolger’s interpretation that despite the verdict in the particular case, the Kingdom of SCS was a new state, since it was not created in accordance with the 1903 Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia. In addition to the argument that the State of SCS met the basic criteria of statehood, and that the formation of the Kingdom of SCS interrupted the constitutional continuity of the Kingdom of Serbia, the contribution of the paper lies in the argument that different legal opinions were not so much the result of legal ambiguities, but primarily a reflection of one, out of many, political battles fought between the conflicting state ideologies. Temeljna je ambicija ovog članka analizirati pitanje pravnog (dis)kontinuiteta između Kraljevine Srbije i Kraljevine SHS u kontekstu međunarodnog spora između njemačke i Kraljevine SHS te pritom otkriti uzroke različitih tumačenja presude u predmetnom sporu. Autor najprije, služeći se tehnikama povijesno-pravne i analitičke metode pri proučavanju dokumenata i sekundarnih mišljenja političara te ustavnih pravnika, daje kratak pregled međunarodnih okolnosti koje su omogućile formiranje poslijeratnih država, nakon čega sažima različite stavove o pravnom statusu Države SHS i karakteru Prvoprosinačkog akta, koristeći pritom tadašnje i današnje međunarodnopravne i ustavnopravne kriterije. nakon toga u okviru razmatranja središnjeg pitanja zaključuje kako je tadašnje tumačenje ivana Žolgera, kako je unatoč presudi u predmetnom sporu Kraljevina SHS ipak bila nova država jer ista nije stvorena u skladu s Ustavom Kraljevine Srbije, pravno najdosljednije. Pored konstatacije kako je Država SHS zadovoljavala temeljne kriterije državnosti te da je formiranje Kraljevine SHS prekinulo ustavnopravni kontinuitet Kraljevine Srbije, doprinos studije očituje se i kroz argumentaciju kako različita pravna shvaćanja u ovom predmetu ipak nisu bila toliko rezultat pravnih dvoumica, već su u prvom redu bila odraz jedne od mnogih političkih bitaka između sukobljenih državnih ideologija.