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International audience; Recently, a series of historical reports portrayed the first women neurosurgeons in various countries. One such woman, a pioneer on many levels, remained unrecognized: Judith Balkányi-Lepintre. She was the first woman neurosurgeon in France, the first woman war neurosurgeon for the French Army, and the first woman pediatric neurosurgeon in France. Born in 1912 to a Hungarian Jewish family, she graduated with honors from medical school in Budapest in 1935, then moved to Paris where she started neurosurgical training in 1937 at L'Hôpital de la Pitié under the mentorship of Clovis Vincent, the founder of French neurosurgery. Shortly after marrying a French colleague in 1940, she had to escape the Geheime Staatspolizei (Gestapo) in Paris and ended up in Algeria, where she joined the French Army of De Gaulle. As a neurosurgeon, she participated in the campaigns of Italy and France between 1943 and 1945. After the war, she returned to work at La Pitié Hospital. In 1947, she defended her doctoral thesis, "Treatment of cranio-cerebral wounds by projectiles and their early complications." Soon thereafter, she joined Europe's first dedicated children's hospital, Hôpital Necker-Enfants Malades in Paris, and contributed to the establishment of pediatric neurosurgery in France. She remained clinically and academically active at Necker until her death in 1982 but was never promoted.

International audience; The emergence of illiberal science policy also raises serious questions about the European scientific authorization process as the rapid spread of illiberal science policies, such as closing accredited study programs and research institutions, privatizing higher education, appointing university leaders based on their loyalty to the government, ignoring quality assurance, etc. demand not only a reaction but also critical analysis. The article applies the theoretical framework of the polypore state (Grzebalska, Pető) to tackle the difficulty lies in understanding the rise of illiberal science policy in Hungary, as it is a twofold case study in both polypore government control/state capture, and neoliberal marketization of higher education. The rapid spread of illiberal science policies, such as closing accredited study programs and research institutions, privatizing higher education, appointing university leaders based on their loyalty to the government, ignoring quality assurance, etc. demands not only a reaction but also critical analysis. 1 In this paper I claim that science policy, as a national competency with an international character, is especially suited to spearhead illiberalization efforts because it offers something no other policy field can offer: academic authorization. Via academic authorization, science policy secures the legitimacy of all other illiberal states' activities. Illiberal politicians and oligarchs alike recognized the importance of educational institutions as sites of knowledge production and transfer, training of loyal supporters, academic authorization, and dissemination of ideas abroad. Illiberal spin doctors have similarly acknowledged that the academic authority granted by these organizations is necessary not only to legitimize their ideological agenda, but more importantly to secure employment for the loyal supporters who will train further loyal supporters, who then will take over the already existing educational and research institutions. In their communications, evidence-based policymaking has been the basis of governance. Illiberal politicos also refer to surveys and research conducted by experts, with the difference that the surveys do not meet academic standards and boast neither authorization from academic institutions nor measurable scientific achievements. 2

In his 1992 article, ‘Today, Freedom is Unfettered in Hungary,’ Columbia University history professor István Deák argued that after 1989 Hungarian historical research enjoyed ‘unfettered freedom. Deák gleefully listed the growing English literature on Hungarian history and hailed the ‘step-by step dismantling of the Marxist-Leninist edifice in historiography’ that he associated with the Institute of History at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS) under the leadership of György Ránki (1930–88). In this article he argued that the dismantling of communist historiography had started well before 1989. Besides celebrating the establishment of the popular science-oriented historical journal, History (História) (founded in 1979) and new institutions such as the Európa Intézet – Europa Institute (founded in 1990) or the Central European University (CEU) (founded in 1991) as turning points in Hungarian historical research, Deák listed the emergence of the question of minorities and Transylvania; anti-Semitism and the Holocaust; as well as the 1956 revolution. It is very true that these topics were addressed by prominent members of the Hungarian democratic opposition who were publishing in samizdat publications: among them János M. Rainer, the director of the 1956 Institute after 1989, who wrote about 1956. This list of research topics implies that other topics than these listed before had been free to research and were not at all political. This logic interiorised and duplicated the logic of communist science policy and refused to acknowledge other ideological interventions, including his own, while also insisting on the ‘objectivity’ of science. Lastly, Deák concluded that ‘there exists a small possibility that the past may be rewritten again, in an ultra-conservative and xenophobic vein. This is, however, only a speculation.’ Twenty years later Ignác Romsics, the doyen of Hungarian historiography, re-stated Deák's claim, arguing that there are no more ideological barriers for historical research. However, in his 2011 article Romsics strictly separated professional historical research as such from ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented interpretations of the past, which leave aside professional criteria and feed susceptible readers – and there are always many – with fraudulent and self-deceiving myths’. He thereby hinted at a new threat to the historical profession posed by new and ideologically driven forces. The question of where these ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented’ historians are coming from has not been asked as it would pose a painful question about personal and institutional continuity. Those historians who have become the poster boys of the illiberal memory politics had not only been members of the communist party, they also received all necessary professional titles and degrees within the professional community of historians.

AbstractHorse riding, a determinant activity in the history of human cultural evolution, remains unreliably identifiable from the analysis of human skeletal remains due to various sample and methodological limitations. Through a comparison between well‐documented series of presumed riders and non‐riders, this study aimed to investigate the link between skeletal fractures and that practice in past populations. We relied on a Hungarian Conquest period population (Sárrétudvari‐Hízóföld, Hungary, 10th century CE) known to be composed of mounted archers. We recorded the presence of acute fractures on the main bones of the upper and lower skeleton to analyze their distribution and perform comparisons between the individuals with or without riding‐related deposits in their grave and with an out‐sample group of presumed non‐riders from the documented Luís Lopes Skeletal Collection (Lisbon). We observed more fractures in the Hungarian series and especially higher rates concerning the upper limb, while the distribution of traumas was more homogenous in the documented collection. There were also significantly more clavicle fractures in the Hungarian group with riding deposit than in the non‐riders from Lisbon, whose type can be related to a fall from a height. Our results coincide with sports medicine data on equestrians, whose injuries mostly concern the upper limbs. Such traumas, and especially clavicle fractures, are often caused, indeed, by a fall from a horse. Through the use of pertinent anthropological series, this study provides the most reliable association between the presence of skeletal traumas and the practice of horse riding in a past population.

AbstractChunking mechanisms are central to several cognitive processes and notably to the acquisition of visuo-motor sequences. Individuals segment sequences into chunks of items to perform visuo-motor tasks more fluidly, rapidly, and accurately. However, the exact dynamics of chunking processes in the case of extended practice remain unclear. Using an operant conditioning device, eighteen Guinea baboons (Papio papio) produced a fixed sequence of nine movements during 1,000 trials by pointing to a moving target on a touch screen. Response times analyses revealed a specific chunking pattern of the sequence for each baboon. More importantly, we found that these patterns evolved during the course of the experiment, with chunks becoming progressively fewer and longer. We identified two chunk reorganization mechanisms: the recombination of preexisting chunks and the concatenation of two distinct chunks into a single one. These results provide new evidence on chunking mechanisms in sequence learning and challenge current models of associative and statistical learning.

One of the best known places on Earth where volcanology meets archaeology and history is the volcanic island of Santorini (Thira), Greece. It is famous for the cataclysmic Late Bronze Age (Minoan) Plinian eruption which destroyed the Minoan culture that flourished on the island. Hosting a central, flooded caldera bay and, within that the active islands of Palaea and Nea Kameni, Santorini volcano has been the focus of international research efforts for over one and a half centuries. In this paper, we summarize recent findings and related ideas about the Minoan physiography of the island, also known as Strongyli, from a volcanological, geomorphological and archaeological point of view. As proposed as early as the 1980s, a central caldera bay existed prior to the Late Bronze Age. Probably characterised by a smaller size and located in the northern part of the present-day caldera, this earlier caldera bay was formed during the previous Plinian eruption - called Cape Riva eruption - c. 22,000 years ago. Within the caldera bay, a central island, Pre-Kameni, existed, named after the present-day Kameni Islands. High-precision radioisotopic dating revealed that Pre-Kameni started to grow c. 20,000 years ago. Whereas volcanologists have accepted and refined the caldera concept, archaeologists have generally favoured the theory of an exploded central cone instead of a pre-existing central caldera. However, analysis of the Flotilla Fresco, one of the wall paintings found in the Bronze Age settlement of Akrotiri, reveals the interior of a Late Bronze Age caldera that may be interpreted as a realistic landscape. Approximately 3600 years ago, the island of Strongyli was destroyed during the explosive VEI = 7 Minoan eruption. Pre-Kameni was lost by this eruption, but its scattered fragments, together with other parts of Strongyli, can be recovered as lithic clasts from the Minoan tuffs. On the basis of photo-statistics and granulometry of the lithic clasts contained in the Minoan tuffs, complemented by volumetric assessment of the erupted tephra and digital elevation model (DEM) analysis of alternative models for the pre-eruptive topography, the volume of Pre-Kameni can be constrained between 1.6 and 3.0 km(3), whereas the volume of the destroyed portion of the ring island of Strongyli between 9.1 and 17.1 km(3). Of these, the larger values are considered more realistic, and imply that most of the destroyed part of Strongyli was incorporated as lithic components in the Minoan tuffs, whereas up to 3 km(3) of Strongyli might have been downfaulted and sunken during caldera formation and is not accounted for in the Ethics. International audience Co-auteur étranger

Replication studies in psychological science sometimes fail to reproduce prior findings. If these studies use methods that are unfaithful to the original study or ineffective in eliciting the phenomenon of interest, then a failure to replicate may be a failure of the protocol rather than a challenge to the original finding. Formal pre-data-collection peer review by experts may address shortcomings and increase replicability rates. We selected 10 replication studies from the Reproducibility Project: Psychology (RP:P; Open Science Collaboration, 2015) for which the original authors had expressed concerns about the replication designs before data collection; only one of these studies had yielded a statistically significant effect ( p < .05). Commenters suggested that lack of adherence to expert review and low-powered tests were the reasons that most of these RP:P studies failed to replicate the original effects. We revised the replication protocols and received formal peer review prior to conducting new replication studies. We administered the RP:P and revised protocols in multiple laboratories (median number of laboratories per original study = 6.5, range = 3–9; median total sample = 1,279.5, range = 276–3,512) for high-powered tests of each original finding with both protocols. Overall, following the preregistered analysis plan, we found that the revised protocols produced effect sizes similar to those of the RP:P protocols (Δ r = .002 or .014, depending on analytic approach). The median effect size for the revised protocols ( r = .05) was similar to that of the RP:P protocols ( r = .04) and the original RP:P replications ( r = .11), and smaller than that of the original studies ( r = .37). Analysis of the cumulative evidence across the original studies and the corresponding three replication attempts provided very precise estimates of the 10 tested effects and indicated that their effect sizes (median r = .07, range = .00–.15) were 78% smaller, on average, than the original effect sizes (median r = .37, range = .19–.50). Association for Psychological Science https://doi.org/10.13039/100009556 Laura and John Arnold Foundation https://doi.org/10.13039/100009827