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BackgroundThe use of dental care among older people is low compared to other forms of health care, with significant health consequences. However, the evidence on the extent to which countries’ welfare systems and socio-economic factors influence the uptake of dental care by older people is limited. This study aimed to describe trends of dental care utilisation, and to compare use of dental care with other types of healthcare services among the elderly, considering different socio-economic factors and welfare systems in European countries.MethodsMultilevel logistic regression analysis was performed using longitudinal data from four waves (between Wave 5 and 8) of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe database, with a follow-up period of 7 years. The study sample included 20,803 respondents aged 50 years or older from 14 European countries.ResultsThe annual dental care attendance was the highest in Scandinavian countries (85.7%), however, improving trends of dental attendance was recognized in Southern and Bismarckian countries (p<0.001). The difference in use of dental care services between socio-economic groups was expanding over time regarding low- and high-income level and residential area. A more marked difference was observed between social groups in dental care utilisation compared to other forms of care. Income level and unemployed status had significant effect on forgoing dental care due to cost and unavailability.ConclusionThe observed differences between socioeconomic groups may highlight the health consequences of the different organization and financing of dental care. The elderly population could benefit from adopting policies aiming to reduce the financial barriers to dental care usage, especially in Southern and Eastern European countries.

This article explores the history of women's activism within the state apparatus, focusing on women labour inspectors in interwar Poland. Part of the State Labour Inspectorate since its creation in 1919, women inspectors often combined their professional duties with a distinctly activist stance. Like their male colleagues, they ensured compliance with labour legislation by performing factory visits and collecting information on the conditions of workers' lives and labour. But they also led campaigns in the press, published books and brochures intended to mobilize public opinion around issues related to the labour of women and minors, and sought to build activist networks aimed at the improvement of women workers' conditions. They exposed particularly exploitative labour arrangements, such as the labour of underage apprentices, and conceptualized them as urgent social problems. These multiple engagements meant that women labour inspectors moved between different scales of action including direct intervention on the shop floor, research and publications aimed at a national audience, and transnational contacts with the International Labour Organization, which had been committed to improving women workers' conditions since its inception.

The essay discusses women's food riots in the Hungarian territories of the Habsburg Empire during World War I between spring 1917 and summer 1918. While the existing literature has primarily focused on urban contexts in a variety of European countries, this essay analyses the Hungarian countryside with a focus on small towns and villages where and around which inhabitants were mostly agrarian workers. The agrarian population was especially hard hit by the increasingly coercive wartime economic measures, and especially by the high cost of living and the break-down in food supply. Using archival sources and news reports, the article approaches food riots as a form of labour activism signalling (agrarian) women's efforts to improve their desperate living and working conditions and, thus, as a local political response to the international and national political and economic crisis that unfolded in the Dual Monarchy shortly before its disintegration during the second phase of the Great War. It pays particular attention to participants' social/ethnic background, agendas, and repertoires of action, including the antisemitic character of some of the riots and authorities' reaction to these uprisings. The essay, thus, also examines the interactions between members of local-level (un)organized activism and regional and national governance.

In 2022, every second employed woman in Austria worked part-time, while only 12.6 percent of men did so. In more affluent countries, part-time work has evolved from a special form of employment to a gendered norm in the past six decades, whereas in state-socialist and post-state-socialist Europe, this model of women's employment played a much less pronounced role historically. Albeit contested, part-time work has been a concern of women trade unionists since the 1950s. This article examines the emergence and evolution of an important trend in the history of women's work from a multi-level perspective. It explores how women activists in the ICFTU, the ILO and in Austria dealt with part-time work as a method of harmonizing women's unpaid and paid work. Collaboration with the ILO played an important role in Austrian developments, and Austrian activists aimed to impact on international decision-making. Furthermore, the article shows the rather hidden role women civil servants played in generating knowledge on the topic. This analysis of the evolution of the gendered norm of part-time work and its contestation contributes to recent research on shifts in reproductive arrangements and gender relations in the second half of the twentieth century.