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The aim of this research is, above all, to investigate the formation story of the Estonians’ own museum, with the emphasis on the relations between the museum and people. The evolution of the idea of the Estonian National Museum (ENM) and its realization reflects the maturing story of Estonian people into a nation. After the official foundation of the ENM in 1909, during the first decade of its existence, the museum underwent a change in its paradigm, growing from a national-romantic idea generated by a few intellectuals into a memory institution with extensive membership and clear visions. The museum constructed a valued past narrative, through which it was possible to find in the past the things to be proud of and to prove that Estonians are also a cultured nation. The strategies and practices of the ENM in pursuing its objectives were directed both inside and outside the museum. During the initial years of the museum the primary course of action constituted heritage collection and shaping the essence of the museum, which in European context yielded a remarkable result. The museum statutes had stipulated broad-based objectives and although as early as during the initial years of its existence the museum had theoretically developed into a versatile institution, in practice the identity was based on material heritage. There was still no wider intellectual potential for elaborating the results: however, the unique collections presented a great opportunity for the future specialists. Käesoleva uurimistöö eesmärgiks on eelkõige selgitada välja eesti rahva oma muuseumi kujunemise lugu rõhuasetusega muuseumi ja rahva vahelisel suhtel. Eesti Rahva Muuseumi (ERM) mõtte areng ja teoks saamine peegeldab eesti rahva rahvuseks küpsemise lugu. 1909. aastal ametlikult eluõiguse saanud muuseumi esimese kümnendi jooksul toimus paradigma muutus, kus üksikute haritlaste idealistlikust rahvusromantilisest ideest kujunes välja rahvaga aktiivselt suhtlev laiaulatusliku liikmeskonnaga ja selgete sihtidega mäluasutus. Muuseum konstrueeris väärtustatud mineviku narratiivi, mille kaudu oli võimalik leida oma minevikust seda, mille üle uhke olla ja mille kaudu tõestada, et ka eestlased on kultuurrahvas. ERMi strateegiad ja praktikad eesmärkide elluviimisel olid suunatud nii muuseumi sisse- kui väljapoole. Esmaoluline tegevussuund muuseumi esimeste aastate jooksul vanavara korjamise ja muuseumile sisu moodustamise näol andis kogu Euroopa kontekstis tähelepanuväärse tulemuse. Muuseumi põhikiri oli sätestanud laiapõhjalised eesmärgid ja kuigi muuseumist kujunes teoreetiliselt juba esimestel aastatel mitmekülgne institutsioon, sai aga praktikas identiteedi alus vanavarast. Tulemuste teaduslikuks läbitöötamiseks puudus veel laiem vaimne potentsiaal, see-eest oli loodud võimalus tulevastele erialateadlastele suurepäraste ja unikaalsete kollektsioonide näol.

The present article deals mainly with the works of Johannes Raicus, the scientist in the field of medicine from the 17th century, focusing on his treatise Disputatio physicomedica votiva e„j ƒšrwa surgenti jam Dorpati novo collegio region, debated at the Gymnasiumof Tartu by Petrus Turdinus, the future student of theology at the University of Tartu.When comparing this disputation with the rest of the works by both Johannes Raicus and Petrus Turdinus – physician and theologian respectively – it becomes clear that the author of the given treatise is indeed Johannes Raicus. Disputatio physicomedica votiva ... reveals an original approach to the subject matter, i.e. the city of Tartu,being clearly distinct from the medical works written in Academia Gustaviana, the Swedish University of Tartu, especially in the respect of developing the ideas of Paracelsus and his followers. Thus it can be concluded that Disputatio physico-medica votiva ...by Johannes Raicus is a peculiar phenomenon amongst the 17th century scientific works in Tartu.

The aim of the paper is to analyse the collective expression of attitudes elicited by the doping scandal that concerned the esteemed Estonian cross-country skier and Olympic gold medal winner, Andrus Veer­palu. The paper provides an insight into the evolution of an athlete into a national hero on the Internet. The analysis is based on the material col­lected from Estonian online media during two years (from April 2011 to March 2013), when Andrus Veerpalu’s court case was actively followed by the Estonian sports circles and laymen alike. The data corpus includes the most relevant news texts published in the online news portal Delfi (www.delfi.ee), comments from the same online environment, posts from the Facebook fan sites, e.g., “We believe in Andrus Veerpalu”, etc. The doping accusation called forth a quasi-religious movement, which was built around the belief that the athlete was sacred and it was not allowed to attack or accuse him in any way. The main threads in the comments analysed within this study could be divided into two opposing, although intertwining categories: the serious and the ironic. Both categories included people who believed in Veerpalu’s innocence, and those who did not; in addition, there were those who displayed their superiority towards the entire discussion. The analysis addresses the transformation of an Olympic hero into a national hero, and points out narratives that treat the scandal within the present-day genres of urban legends, conspiracy theories, and Internet humour. The more or less genuine belief of people was reflected in sought-out explanations for the doping test result and counter-arguments (above all, via conspiracy stories, but also through social mobilisation in support of Veerpalu). In the post factum comments, the ma­jority expressed the feeling that their trust had been justified; they renewed their unremitting belief in the acquitted hero. But the rather complicated end to the long case was also a confusing one, and this allowed the ironic discourse to produce parodies, jokes and other critical comments. The questions central to the analysis are the following: (1) How does the audience interpret information provided by the media and which topics do the interpretations initiate in turn? (2) How does the notion of belief emerge in the discussion, which narratives and stereotypes are believed in, and how is the belief rationalised? (3) Which folkloric and other cultural (transmedial) texts have taken inspiration from this doping scandal?

http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b1276397~S1*est

Peer reviewed

The broader source material for this article is the Soviet-era correspondence of the Folklore Department (FD) of the Fr. R. Kreutzwald State Literary Museum, today the Estonian Folklore Archive of the Estonian Literary Museum. This collection consists of letters and postcards of nearly 400 people, as well as transcripts of the FD staff letters to their contributors. The total volume amounts to roughly 4,000 pages and mainly covers the period from the 1950s to the first half of the 1990s. The article also discusses the contributions of Virumaa correspondents Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto to the department, more specifically the folk medicine material collected by them, and focuses on Kaasik and Kallasto’s correspondence with the department, with the main emphasis on the personal health issues in their letters. Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto were among those who collected folk medicine material according to the 1959 survey plan, assembled in co-operation with the folklorists and medical doctors. Assessing the total amount of material collected by Kaasik and Kallasto (over 3300 pages), the folk medicine material is not very large (over 200 pages), but it is one of the topics in which Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto wrote down personal knowledge or experiences. The correspondence shows that their health problems were constantly reflected both in their letters and as short comments among traditional folk medicine material. Mary Kaasik was more inclined towards sharing her problems and personal knowledge and was the one who wrote to the department on behalf of both collectors. In general, it is concluded that personal health has been an important topic in the letters of the contributors to the folklore department. Health problems were a major obstacle to commuting and attending seminars; so messages about the health of oneself, one’s relatives or other collectors or informants are part of the content of the letters. On the other hand, health also comes to the fore in the letters of folklorists, who in turn informed their contributors about their own or their colleagues’ health, if deemed necessary. At the same time, writing about health issues creates an interesting dialogue thread between the correspondents and the folklorists, with mutual encouragement and pleas to take care of one’s health. Thus, a rather personal life goes hand in hand with the practical requirements stated in letters on collecting and archiving. Thus, much data on health can be found in the department’s correspondence. Health-related messages are personal and trusting, the majority of correspondents did not have internal obstacles to share their health worries and to enquire for folklorists’ health. It meant sharing problems and probably provided some well-deserved mental relief. On the other hand, these kinds of letters also show the correspondents’ sense of mission – even when they were off sick, they were eager to get back to the field again.

Anyone that has studied Estonian history has at least some sort of a perception of both the Baltic German nobility and the time period when the territory of modern-day Estonia was a part of the Swedish empire. The expression “good old Swedish time” is well known to most Estonians, even if one is not entirely certain of what is meant by the expression. Similarly, the stereotype of a cruel and greedy landlord who only seeks personal gain is a familiar one. The goal of my dissertation was to offer additional interpretations about the aspirations and attitudes of the Swedish state authorities and the Baltic German nobility. I focused on Swedish Livland (an administrative unit on the territory of modern-day Southern-Estonia and Northern-Latvia) in the years 1634 to 1680. During this time there was a significant increase in the influence of the Livonian nobility and a network of institutions run by the local nobility developed in Livland, which in many respects formed a parallel governance structure to that of the state. Among other things, I wanted to find out why the Swedish state authorities allowed these developments to occur and what was the Livonian nobility trying to achieve with the help of their strengthened position. I reached the conclusion that the aforementioned developments were largely influenced by the expectation of mutual benefits. Swedish state authorities hoped that in return for certain favours, they could acquire additional resources from the Livonian nobility and affirm their allegiance to the Swedish crown. It became evident that besides collecting taxes and protecting the province, the state had very limited capacities to deal with other issues. Although there were problems with public violence, conditions of roads and bridges, efficiency of the courts and many other issues, the representatives of the state showed little initiative to deal with them. Here, the local nobility stepped in. In return for giving up resources, the Livonian nobility sought the permission of the state to deal with the issues troubling the land. For this end, proposals were made to state officials for the issuing of regulations and the founding of new institutions, the offices of which were in most cases without any kind of remuneration. To conclude, it can be said that the expectation of mutual benefits was largely met for both sides – the nobility generally acceded to the demands of the state and in return had the opportunity to influence local governance in a way that was suitable to them. Igaühel, kes on õppinud Eesti ajalugu, on vähemalt mingisugune ettekujutus nii baltisaksa aadlist kui ka ajast, mil tänapäevase Eesti territoorium kuulus Rootsi riigi koosseisu. Väljend „vana hea Rootsi aeg“ on enamikele tuttav, isegi kui ei olda päris kindlad, et milles siis ikkagi see Rootsi aja headus seisnes. Samamoodi kangastub hõlpsasti kujutelm julmast ja ahnest mõisnikust, kes üksnes enda kitsaste erahuvide eest seisis. Seadsin enda doktoritöös eesmärgiks pakkuda täiendavaid tõlgendusi Rootsi riigivõimu ja baltisaksa aadli püüdlustele ja hoiakutele. Keskendusin Rootsi riigi koosseisu kuulunud Liivimaale (tänapäevase Lõuna-Eesti ja Põhja-Läti aladel asunud haldusüksus) aastatel 1634—1680. Kõnealusel ajavahemikul kasvas Liivimaal märgatavalt kohaliku aadli mõjuvõim ning kujunes välja aadli hallatud institutsioonide võrgustik, mis moodustas mitmes mõttes paralleelse haldusstruktuuri riikliku oma kõrval. Soovisin töös muu hulgas teada saada, miks lasi Rootsi riigivõim sellisel olukorral tekkida ning mida üritasid Liivimaa aadlikud tugevnenud positsiooni abil saavutada. Jõudsin järeldusele, et kirjeldatud arenguid tõukas suuresti tagant vastastikuse kasu ootus. Rootsi riigivõim lootis Liivimaa aadlile järeleandmisi tehes hankida neilt vastutasuks täiendavaid ressursse ning kindlustada kohaliku aadli lojaalsus Rootsi riigi ees. Töös ilmnes, et peale maksude kogumise ja Liivimaa kaitsmise jagus riigivõimul vähe võimekust muude teemadega tegelemiseks. Olgugi et probleeme oli maal lokkava vägivalla, teede seisukorra, kohtute efektiivsuse ja palju muuga, näitasid riigivõimu esindajad üles vähest initsiatiivi nendega tegelemiseks. Siin astus mängu kohalik aadel, kes soovis vastutasuks ressursside loovutamise eest riigivõimu luba maad vaevanud probleeme lahendada. Selleks tehti riigivõimule ettepanekuid kõikvõimalike korralduste väljaandmiseks ning uute institutsioonide asutamiseks, kusjuures loodud ametikohad olid enamasti tasustamata. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et kirjeldatud vastastikuse kasu ootus suuresti realiseerus – aadel üldjuhul nõustus riigivõimu nõudmistega ning sai vastutasuks kujundada kohalikku haldust neile sobivas suunas. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5553406

http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b1025951~S1*est

Uurimistöö eesmärgiks oli välja töötada meetod tekstilise andmestiku kogumiseks, mille alusel saaks hiljem arendada masinõppel põhinevaid meetodeid depressiooni ja ärevuse riski automaatseks hindamiseks. Töö käigus koostati ankeet, mille abil koguti tekstilist materjali ligi 300-st vabatahtlikust koosnevalt mugavusvalimilt. Kogutud tekstid sisaldasid nii etteantud pildi kirjeldust kui ka vabalt valitud sündmuse või mälestuse kirjeldust. Valimis osalenute emotsionaalset seisundit mõõdeti EEK-2 skriiningtesti abil. Ligi 42% isikutest ületas depressiooni ning ligi 30% isikutest ärevuse alaskaala riskilävendi. Esialgsed eksperimendid masinõppe mudelitega, mis püüdsid ennustada, kas inimese EEK-2 skoor ületab depressiooni ja/või ärevuse riskilävendi, edukaid tulemusi ei andnud. Kokkuvõttes tundub, et etteantud pildi kirjeldamine ei ole sobivaim viis soovitud andmestiku kogumiseks ja pigem peaks kasutama selliseid kirjutamise ülesandeid, mis oleks inimese endaga rohkem seotud.

It is quite natural that different sources from the past pass on different information. The current thesis studies how the archaeological and folkloristic information relate to each other and what are the possibilities to use theses as a combined. Archaeological research has focused on the material remains from the past; the folklorists, however, study the information that has mainly been passed on orally. When the academic interest lies in the past culture as a whole, the use of different sources will grant richer and more comprehensive knowledge. The case-study of thesis that is covering the material from Estonia is analysing the information about origin of and finds associated with human remains in wetlands. The main focus has been on mires. This kind of intriguing and unstudied topic was chosen because of folk songs that describe burying in mires. Also, in the place-lore there are stories about burials in mires, as well as depictions of drowning in wetlands. For archaeologist, this raises a question, whether this folklore could reflect the events that have led to bog bodies? Additionally, the place-lore describes unearthing of human remains from waterlogged soil of which there is no archaeological documentation. Attempts to find new archaeological record for some of these place-lore sites were unfortunately unsuccessful. These fieldworks illustrate how complicated is it to discover archaeological finds from wetlands. At the same time, the work with archive sources and literature showed that there are previous archaeologically documented finds of human remains from wetlands. The age, context and way of emerge of these human remains has been very different. The archaeological excavation conducted as part of this research in Alasoo Varajemägi revealed finds in peat originating from the pyre. It seems that items left behind from cremation burials were taken into a former lake. There was no record of this kind of behaviour from the Viking Age previously documented in Estonia. Therefore, the study represents information in archaeology and folkloristics concerning human remains in wetlands. The information of both records is quite diverse, but the systematic study has brought them closer and at the same time has helped to understand the character how the archaeological and folkloristic information has been emerged, transmitted and stored. On täiesti loomulik, et erinevad minevikust pärinevad allikaliigid kannavad endas edasi erinevat informatsiooni. Käesolevas doktoritöös vaadeldakse, kuidas suhestuvad omavahel arheoloogiline ja rahvaluuleline teave ning millised on võimalused nende kooskasutuseks. Arheoloogide uurimistöö on keskendunud mineviku materiaalsetele jäänustele, rahvaluuleteadlased aga uurivad informatsiooni, mis on üle põlvkondade edasi kandunud enamasti suusõnaliselt. Kui teadlase uurimisobjektiks on mineviku kultuur terviklikult, siis aitab erinevate allikate kasutus saada möödunud aegadest palju rikkama ja mitmekihilisema arusaama. Eesti materjali käsitleva doktoritöö juhtumuuring vaatleb teavet inimjäänuste tekkest ja vastavatest leidudest märgaladel. Peamise tähelepanu all on olnud sood. Niisuguse intrigeeriva ja senikäsitlemata teemavaliku põhjustasid sohu matmisi kirjeldavad rahvalaulud. Ka kohapärimuses on nii jutte matmisest sohu kui ka kirjeldusi uppumistest märgaladel. Arheoloogi jaoks tõstatab see küsimuse, kas ja mil määral võib niisugune pärimus kajastada sündmusi, mis on maha jätnud soolaipu? Lisaks kirjeldab kohapärimus inimsäilmete avastamist liigniiskest pinnasest, mille kohta arheoloogilist dokumentatsiooni ei leidu. Katse leida osadest pärimuspaikadest uusi arheoloogilisi tõendeid kahjuks ei õnnestunud. Mainitud välitööd illustreerivad hästi, kui keerukas ja raske on avastada märgaladelt arheoloogiliste leide. Samas, töö arhiiviallikate ja kirjandusega näitas, et eelnevalt on ka arheoloogiliselt registreeritud inimjäänuste leide liigniiskest pinnasest. Need leiud on aga väga erineva vanuse, konteksti ja tekkepõhjusega. Doktoritöö raames tehtud arheoloogiliste kaevamistega õnnestus Alasoo Varajemäel tuvastada turbas asuvaid leide, mis pärinesid tuleriidalt. Näib, et põletusmatustest järele jäänud asju viidi endisaegsesse järvevette. Niisugusest viikingiaegsest käitumisest Eesti arheoloogias seni tõendeid ei olnud. Seega esitab uurimus märgaladel leiduvate inimjäänustega seonduvat arheoloogilist ja rahvaluulelist informatsiooni. Mõlemas allikaliigis esinev informatsioon on küll üsna eriilmeline, kuid süstemaatiline uurimine on vähendanud nende vahelist lõhet ja samas aidanud mõtestada ka eripära, kuidas need allikad on tekkinud, edasi kandunud ning talletunud. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone