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Objective/context: This article is part of a special edition of Colombia Internacional: “Transformaciones de los sistemas partidarios en América Latina” (Party system transformations in Latin America). It explains the transition from closed, non-competitive party systems to competitive party systems in Colombian emerald municipalities from the late 1990s until 2015. Methodology: We use a subnational approach within a unitary system to test a body of literature that has focused almost exclusively on federal countries. Furthermore, we show the importance of building bridges between the literature on subnational authoritarianism and that of rentier economies to analyze the Colombian case. Our analysis is based on quantitative and qualitative information: electoral data, interviews with key informants, observation and analysis of local and regional newspapers. Conclusions: Electoral competition in Colombian municipalities is heterogeneous, leading to different types of trajectories. Focusing on our case study in the Western province of the Boyacá department, Colombia, we argue that competitive systems emerged when local hegemonic elites lost economic and political power as a result of the emerald business’ decline. The configuration of competitive systems was therefore an effort by opposition parties to gain political power in contexts where local patrones (political bosses) were challenged by unexpected structural conditions, and by opposition leaders that took advantage of that situation. Originality: Although recent literature shows the Colombian party system has changed towards more competitive elections, these processes do not follow the same paths, nor do they share the same characteristics across the country. We focus on an insufficiently-studied region as a vehicle for understanding the way structure and strategy interact in specific electoral contexts: mining-dependent local economies. Objetivo/contexto: este artículo es parte de un número especial de Colombia Internacional: “Transformaciones de los sistemas partidarios en América Latina”. Aquí explicamos la transición de sistemas de partidos cerrados y no competitivos a sistemas competitivos en municipios esmeralderos colombianos desde fines de la década de 1990 hasta 2015. Metodología: utilizamos un enfoque subnacional dentro de un sistema unitario para evaluar el aporte de una literatura que se ha centrado casi exclusivamente en países federales. Además, mostramos la importancia de construir puentes entre la literatura sobre autoritarismo subnacional y la de las economías rentistas para analizar el caso colombiano. Nuestro análisis se basa en información cuantitativa y cualitativa: datos electorales, entrevistas con informantes clave, observación y análisis de periódicos locales y regionales. Conclusiones: la competencia electoral en los municipios colombianos es heterogénea, lo que lleva a diferentes tipos de trayectorias. Centrándonos en nuestro estudio de caso en un departamento colombiano de Boyacá occidental, argumentamos que surgieron sistemas competitivos cuando las élites hegemónicas locales perdieron poder económico y político como resultado del declive comercial del negocio esmeraldero. La configuración de sistemas competitivos constituyó, por lo tanto, un esfuerzo de los partidos de oposición para ganar poder político en contextos donde los patrones locales (jefes políticos) fueron desafiados por condiciones estructurales inesperadas y por líderes de la oposición que aprovecharon esa situación. Originalidad: aunque la literatura reciente muestra que el sistema de partidos colombiano ha cambiado hacia elecciones más competitivas, estos procesos no siguen los mismos caminos, ni comparten las mismas características en todo el país. Nuestro estudio se centra en un entorno poco común e insuficientemente estudiado que nos permite comprender la forma en que la estructura y la estrategia interactúan en contextos electorales específicos: los de las economías locales que dependen de la minería en Colombia. Objetivo/contexto: este artigo é parte de uma edição especial da Colombia Internacional: “Transformações de sistemas partidários na América Latina” (transformações do sistema partidário na América Latina). Explica a transição de sistemas partidos fechados e não competitivos para sistemas partidários competitivos em municípios de esmeraldas colombianos do final dos anos 90 até 2015. Metodologia: Utilizamos uma abordagem subnacional dentro de um sistema unitário para testar um corpo de literatura que se concentrou quase exclusivamente em países federais. Além disso, mostramos a importância de construir pontes entre a literatura sobre autoritarismo subnacional e a das economias rentistas para analisar o caso colombiano. Nossa análise é baseada em informações quantitativas e qualitativas: dados eleitorais, entrevistas com informantes-chave, observação e análise de jornais locais e regionais. Conclusões: A competição eleitoral nos municípios colombianos é heterogênea, levando a diferentes tipos de trajetórias. Focando nosso estudo de caso na província ocidental do departamento de Boyacá, Colômbia, argumentamos que sistemas competitivos surgiram quando as elites hegemônicas locais perderam poder econômico e político como resultado do declínio do negócio de esmeraldas. A configuração de sistemas competitivos foi, portanto, um esforço dos partidos da oposição para ganhar poder político em contextos em que os patrões locais (chefes políticos) eram desafiados por condições estruturais inesperadas e pelos líderes da oposição que se aproveitavam dessa situação. Originalidade: Embora a literatura recente mostre que o sistema partidário colombiano mudou para eleições mais competitivas, esses processos não seguem os mesmos caminhos nem compartilham as mesmas características em todo o país. Nós nos concentramos em uma região pouco estudada como um veículo para entender como a estrutura e a estratégia interagem em contextos eleitorais específicos: economias locais dependentes de mineração.

A study of the social development in the Middle East from the perspective of world civilization history will help us better understand the complex Middle Eastern society today and grasp the trend o...

Six evidential sources are examined to investigate how Edwards and Steptoe applied ethical standards to their research leading to the birth of Louise Brown: (i) Their own contemporary writings from 1970 onwards. (ii) Archival evidence from the British Medical Association (BMA), the British Association for the Advancement of Science (BAAS), and correspondence between Edwards and the Ford Foundation. (iii) Minutes of Oldham General Hospital (OGH) Ethics Committee. (iv) Letters by Edwards to prospective patients. (v) oral evidence from interviews with a patient and colleagues. (vi) Evidence from their clinical case management of patients. Taken together these sources suggest that Edwards and Steptoe demonstrated a strong awareness of the ethical issues involved, and offer evidence of honesty to patients about the realistic prospects of success and ethical practice. Nonetheless, decisive evidence that ethical aspirations were put into practice is not available.

Comment les textes grecs et latins ont-ils réussi à traverser le temps ? Si beaucoup ont disparu, c’est souvent par miracle que les grandes œuvres des Anciens ont échappé à la destruction, aux menaces des invasions, aux incendies des bibliothèques, en Orient comme en Occident. L’ouvrage explique les conditions de la survie des textes classiques et la façon dont, dans l’Antiquité, au Moyen Âge et à la Renaissance, les érudits les ont lus, sélectionnés, commentés et copiés. Reflets des grandes étapes de la civilisation européenne, cette transmission engage une histoire de l’éducation ainsi qu’une histoire des pratiques savantes. Au xve siècle, une invention capitale change la donne : l’imprimerie facilite la diffusion des textes et a bientôt un effet profond sur le progrès et les usages de la philologie. Apparaît alors dans les pays occidentaux une res publica litterarum qui s’attache à élaborer des méthodes pour éditer ces œuvres, fondées sur la connaissance de la tradition : ces techniques font l’objet du dernier chapitre de l’ouvrage. Paru pour la première fois en 1968, Scribes and Scholars est vite devenu un classique, traduit en sept langues. Sa quatrième édition anglo-saxonne, parue en 2013, est proposée ici au public francophone dans une version revue, mise à jour et augmentée par Luigi-Alberto Sanchi et Aude Cohen-Skalli.

In one of the most thorough studies ever prepared of a California language, Hill’s grammar reviews the phonology, morphology, syntax and discourse features of Cupeño, a Uto-Aztecan (takic) language of California. Cupeño exhibits many unusual typological features, including split ergativity, that require linguists to revise our understanding of the development of the Uto-Aztecan family of languages in historical and areal perspective.

Les institutions sociales les plus importantes du monde musulman médiéval ne sont pas nécessairement celles auxquelles les traités de droit classiques réservent des développements explicites. Il en est d’autres qui, pour être en marge de la Loi musulmane officielle, n’en ont pas moins tenu dans la réalité des choses une place considérable. L’étude en est naturellement plus délicate, et les termes techniques mêmes qui les désignent sont rarement dans les dictionnaires l’objet de définitions as...

Projectnr.: 173023.

The history of Italy’s diplomatic struggle for recognition of Italian control over the Dodecanese Islands during the period of Italy’s participation in the World War I and in the period of post-war settlement of territorial problems at the Paris and Lausanne peace conferences is considered. The article proves that during the World War I and during the post-war peace conferences Italy, referring to the articles of the London Treaty of 1915, sought international recognition of its possession of the Dodecanese Islands. It is reported that Greece, which also participated in the war on the Entente side, sought to establish its own control over the Islands of the archipelago. It is noted that in the current situation, Italy had undoubted advantages over Greece, primarily because the Islands were really under Italian control. It is shown that the discussion of the issue was seriously affected by the defeat of Greece in the war of 1919-1922 with Turkey, after which Greece could no longer be a real rival of Italy in the struggle for the Dodecanese Islands. It is reported that the outcome of the Lausanne peace conference in 1923 was the legal recognition of the Islands as the possession of Italy, with which both Turkey and Greece were forced to reconcile.