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Knowledge of the convict period in New South Wales has been substantially expanded and enriched through a number of revisionist scholarly studies in the last quarter of the twentieth century. The cumulative result has been the establishment of a number of new orthodoxies. These studies have drawn on a number of analytic frameworks including feminism and cliometrics, successfully challenging the previous historiography. The rich archival sources in New South Wales have been utilised to reformulate the convict period by a number of scholars, demonstrating the complexity of life in the penal colony. Academic divisions between what are regarded as "Australian" history and "British" history have imposed their own agendas on writing about transportation. This study challenges. this imposition through an examination of petitioners' approaches to the home and colonial administrations. A lacuna in the scholarly studies has been a lack of attention to transportation's consequences for married couples and their children. This study seeks to narrow that gap through these petitions. The findings of the study demonstrate the continuation of links between those who were transported and those who remained in Britain. It is argued that these findings have important implications for future research within Britain, and that what is disclosed by these petitions and the individuals who were involved in on-going communications cannot be restricted either to Australian or convict histories. Our knowledge of what transportation meant to individuals in the periphery as well as those in the metropole is diminished if the focus remains firmly on the settler community. Supplementary material from contemporary sources as well as the official records passing between the two administrations has been utilised and these supplementary sources suggest that there was a broad qivision between official publicly stated policy and practice in respect of transportees' family circumstances. Chapter One establishes the architecture of the thesis and explains the methodology adopted. Chapter Two offers a reinterpretation of the colony's formation in 1788 and inserts the "convict audience" of that day into the historiography. Chapter Three examines two petitioners writing from different gaols in Britain prior to their expected transportation. A resolution of the division between cliometrics and this more qualitative humanist approach is proposed. Chapter Four is a study of petitioners in Britain and a study of the process required for a reunion and reconstitution of family units in New South Wales. Chapter Five seeks to a resiting of male convicts as family members through an examination of a number of contemporary sources. Chapter Six examines the petitions raised by husbands and fathers for their wives and families to be given free passages to the colony. Chapter Seven provides case studies of three transportees and their experiences of the petitioning process. In Chapter Eight the focus broadens out from married men to examine and provide a revision of convicts' correspondence with their relatives and friends in Britain. Such correspondence has previously provided the basis for nationalist interpretations; the revision here suggests that such interpretations are anachronistic. Chapter Nine is an extended metaphor drawing the material together to the conclusions of the study.

The dialogue initiated at Lambeth -- continued at a second meeting of faith and development leaders in November 1999 and then at the third meeting in Canterbury, on which this booklet is based -- has endeavored to bridge these gaps. Organizers of the Canterbury meeting documented some case studies of partnerships between faith and development institutions, summarized in this booklet, as background for the gathering. These cases, many of which had previously been only partially documented, reveal a diversity of experience across countries, regions, and sectors on which to build. The Canterbury meeting sought to move beyond dialogue to ideas for specific joint faith-development initiatives and programs. The Millennium Development Goals -- which represent a new global determination to mobilize energy, passion, and resources to fulfill tangible, measurable imperatives for human health and well-being-served as a springboard for discussion and provide a framework for future partnerships. The goals are straightforward: eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; achieve universal primary education; promote gender equality and empower women; reduce child mortality; improve maternal health; combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability; and develop a global partnership for development. Global leaders and institutions such as the World Bank are committed to judging their performance against these goals.

15th International Conference Linguistic and Cultural Studies - Traditions and Innovations (LKTI) -- NOV 09-11, 2015 -- Tomsk, RUSSIA -- Natl Res Tomsk Polytechn Univ, Inst Power Engn, Dept Foreign Languages This study encourages a multidisciplinary research to identify parallels in the group belonging and chronology of South Siberian Turkic (Chulym Turkic and Bachat Teleut) and Yakut. There is solid evidence that the ancestors of modern Yakuts and their language originate from the Central Asian steppe Proto-Turkic community of the 1st century BC. South Siberian Turkic varieties have not been studied as thoroughly, but they are expected to have traces of some non-Turkic language substratum. The analysis of the Teleut gene pool has revealed two different components of the Turkic and non-Turkic nature, which gives reason to consider non-Turkic elements in Teleut as aboriginal. The gene pool study of the Chulym Turks is expected to contribute to the issue of language history and Chulym Turkic lexicon which is etymologically vague from the Turkic viewpoint. (C) 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.

This dissertation examines how the Centralverein deutscher Staatsb�rger j�dischen Glaubens and the Volksverein f�r das katholische Deutschland utilized decentralization into the local and regional spheres to participate in German society, shape public and political discourse, and strengthen their respective community’s sense of belonging and identity. Drawing on the Centralverein and Volksverein’s administrative records held in archives in England and Germany, this dissertation assesses how their networks of local and regional branches operated and how power and responsibility shifted between the center and the periphery during the German Empire, the Weimar Republic, and Nazi Germany. In decentering away from their respective central office to focus on the local and regional branches, this dissertation argues that local and regional branches were the main sites in which religious minority groups constructed and reinforced their influence, whether political or social. Whether through providing legal or political defense or holding assemblies and lectures, religious minority associations worked to unite their members and create a unified front for political and social action on their own behalf. In promoting a positive connection to Jewishness while also defending Germanness, the Centralverein’s local and regional branches created tailored spaces in which Centralverein members could develop and affirm a synthesized German-Jewish identity while also asserting their civic belonging in the local, regional, and national spheres. Through both a comparative and integrated institutional history of the Centralverein and Volksverein’s decentralization, this dissertation provides a more detailed understanding of social and political relations between minority and majority communities during the German Empire, the Weimar Republic, and Nazi Germany. A comparative perspective allows for examining how minority religious associations responded and adapted to changes at the state level and navigated shifting means of self-assertion and political expression. In examining how German-Jewish and German-Catholic associations implemented decentralization and accommodated regionalization, this study decenters the examination of belonging, the pluralities of civic, regional, and religious identities and what it meant to represent religious minority interests in the German public sphere in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

First in a series of 4 online exhibitions by collective And Or. Command Plus with Molly Morin and Nia Davies was the first online exhibition by collective And Or, running from February-June 2014. For this inaugural show, And Or brought together art, text, poetry and design by a web of collaborators including Molly Morin, Nia Davies, Nora O Murchú and Alice Poulalion to create a cycle of interactive work and response that confounds the distinction between text and image.

Urban histories of race and housing currently ignore the daily conflicts over debt, occupancy, and autonomy that characterized the private market for shelter and home in the United States. The historical literature, instead, has concentrated on the role of government policy, economic restructuring, real estate professionals, white homeowners, and black activists in constructing and resisting racially segregated metropolitan real estate and mortgage markets, resulting in discriminatory access to homeownership and credit for black Americans. This study aims to construct a history not of the contested role of race in housing, but the contested role of private property in shaping the black experience of housing. Specifically, this dissertation examines seminal moments of property conflict in Black Los Angeles between 1920 and 1950, arguing that the everyday conflicts over debt, rent, eviction, and autonomy comprised the central substance of the history of black home struggle in the city. Property conflicts were the complaints, jokes, gossip, lawsuits, deals, compromises, and regular violence that parties, often of unequal power, engaged in to claim contested entitlements over land, housing, and revenue, of which contests over segregation were but one aspect of conflict. Thus, the focus on struggle in this study is both broadened and made more intimate. For working-class black Angelenos, the goal of property conflict was to make and to keep home amid urban growth and contraction, not to make a city or to enter the vaunted status of homeowner. By centering the contentious intersection of home and private property, this study consolidates the struggles of both working-class property owners and tenants into a more holistic history of black land struggle. To uncover the history of black property conflict in Los Angeles between 1920 and 1950, this study tracked a variety of scattered records that documented such conflict: black newspapers, manuscript collections, Los Angeles City Council minutes and petitions, Los Angeles Board of Supervisors minutes, Superior Court criminal and civil lawsuits, and other city, state, and federal records. Unearthing these records reveals that the history of black land struggle in Los Angeles is the history of conflict over the terms of private property. The findings of this study force urban historians, and anyone concerned with housing policy, to rethink the central problem of race and housing in the United States. The problem is not the discriminatory access to the private property rights and neighborhoods of white America, it is instead, the inadequate structure of private property governance that forces people of unequal power to fight over the contracts stipulating the terms of home for profit.

The aim of this article is to show how automatic morphological tools originally used to analyze native speaker data can be applied to process data from a learner corpus of Hungarian. We collected written data from 35 students majoring in Hungarian studies at the University of Zagreb, Croatia. The data were analyzed by magyarlanc, a sentence splitter, morphological analyzer, POS-tagger and dependency parser, which found 667 unknown word forms. We investigated the recommendations made by the Hungarian spellchecker hunspell for these unknown words and the correct forms were manually chosen. It was found that if the first suggestion made by hunspell was automatically accepted, an accuracy score of 82% could be attained. We also introduce our automatic error tagger, which makes use of our annotation scheme developed on the basis of the special characteristics of Hungarian morphology and learner language, and which is able to reliably locate and label morphological errors. peerReviewed

In the 9th century CE, a vast polity centered on the region of Angkor was taking shape in what is today Cambodia and Northeast Thailand. At this time the polity's inhabitants, the Khmers, began to see themselves as members of a community of territorial integrity and shared ethnic identity. This sense of belonging, enshrined in the polity's name, Kambujadesa (i.e., Cambodia) or "the land of the descendants of Kambu," represents one of the most remarkable local cultural innovations in Southeast Asian history. However, the history and implications of early Cambodian identity have thus far been largely overlooked. In this study I use the evidence from the Old Khmer and Sanskrit inscriptions to argue that Angkorian Cambodia (9th-15th centuries CE) was at its conceptual core an ethnic polity or a "nation"--an analytic category signifying, in Steven Grosby's words, an extensive "territorial community of nativity." The inscriptions of Cambodia's provincial elite suggest that the polity's autonomy and its people's common descent were widely disseminated ideals, celebrated in polity-wide myths and perpetuated in representations of the polity's foreign antagonists. I contend that this culture of territorial nativity contradicts the prevailing cosmological model of pre-modern politics in Southeast Asian studies, which assumes that polities before the 19th century were characterized by exaggerated royal claims to universal power and the absence of felt communities beyond extended family and religion. At the same time I seek to problematize standard historical accounts of the nation which fail to observe the affinity between territoriality and fictive kinship in select political cultures before the era of ideological nationalism.

The availability of digitised cultural heritage content held by archives and other memory institutions improves their visibility, facilitate and increases access to information, allowing new kinds of research of digital heritage, namely Digital Humanities. This study intends to report how Municipal Archives of mainland Portugal are ensuring access to their digitized cultural heritage content. For this purpose, an analysis was held to collect data about online catalogues with digital objects linked to the archival description in 278 Municipal Archives of mainland Portugal. The data revealed that the openness of the primary information sources preserved by the municipal archives, which can be reused by all those who need them and particularly by digital humanists, is still in infancy.