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  • Publikationer från Umeå universitet
  • Digital Humanities and Cultural Heritage

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Hanssen, Emil;

    En ofta förbisedd aspekt inom den historiska forskningen om folkmord och extrema beteenden är den japanska fanatismen under andra världskriget. Denna studie syftar på att analysera och utvärdera kausaliteten mellan Japans historia och deras uppträdande under kriget genom en holistisk och tvärvetenskaplig lins av kulturhistoria, psykohistoria och socialpsykologi. Källmaterialet var en sammansmältning av väster- och österländsk historieforskning om kejserliga Japan, men även till en viss del om Tyskland under det Tredje Riket, där mycket av tidigare förövarforskning har genomförts för att försöka förklara Förintelsen och Nazisternas utrotningspolitik. I kombination med socialpsykologiska teorier, ramar, studier och forskning om lydnadspsykologi, konformitet och kollektivism, syftet var att förklara varför ett land med en lång historia av strikta heders- och stolthetskoder, kunde transformeras till en militaristisk krigsmaskin som begick fruktansvärda brott mot mänskligheten och krigsbrott under 1930- och 40-talet. Resultatet visar en kombination av en lång historia av strikta hierarkier, Konfuciansk- och Zen-konformitet, kollektivism, socialisation, enkulturering, familism, auktoritetsbias, samt en livslång indoktrinering av den japanska befolkningen, förenade med ett metanarrativ och mythistoria om kejsarens gudomliga ursprung, den japanska Yamato-rasens unikhet och överlägsenhet, ledde till den visade fanatismen. Sammanparat med Japans ”heliga uppdrag” att befria det koloniserade Ostasien från det uppfattade hotet från Västs imperialister ledde till många av de handlingarna utförda av Japanerna och dissonansen mellan deras inbillade välvilja och verklighetens avskyvärda handlingar. Indoktrineringen i det japanska skolsystemet och militärskolorna, omtolkningen av Bushidō till ”döden är lättare än en fjäder” och ”döden före vanära”, många japaner var så indoktrinerade att blind lydnad följde utan att ifrågasätta, inklusive befallningar från deras överordnade som utgjorde krigsbrott då deindivideringsprocessen hade slutförts. Detta ledde till en hel nation som var villig att offra sig själva för att stoppa de annalkande Allierade. Många kollektivistiska samhällen betonar samhällelig harmoni, sammanhållning och enhetlighet, därav tidsandan blev de föreskrivna normerna och värden, inklusive hotet och den påföljande dehumaniseringen av Väst, den upplevda resursnöden och levnadsutrymme, samt den efterkrigstida offermentaliteten och rationaliseringen av föregående beteenden.

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    Authors: Myrlund Nordell, Moa;

    The point of this study is to understand how Umeå university’s curriculum for the subject of history evolved in the time period 1970 to 2015. Therefore, this study will analyze Umeå university’s curriculum for the course History AB 1, that is included in the history teacher training education. Furthermore, this study will take this analyzation of the curriculum and compare it to the Swedish high school curriculum. This is to better understand the evolution of the education program for teachers, but also to study the symbiotic relationship between schools and universities. Moreover, this assignment will be using Stina Hallsén’s description of policy analyzes to examine the valuation and norms from Umeå’s curriculum, and then take the analyzation further by comparing it to the Swedish high school curriculum. It will thereafter be analyzed with Gert Biesta’s three concepts, Qualification, Socialization and subjectification. Biesta’s concepts will help to measure how good the education at the teacher education program in Umeå is. The results of the study can shortly be described that there’s a long line of changes happening at the teacher education program at Umeå university and the subject of history in the time period 1970 to 2015. The changes range from small differences like the curriculum changing pace, to big changes like entire course moments getting removed and new ones getting added. In addition, the curriculum from Umeå university gets compared to the Swedish high school curriculum. This comparison alongside the study’s framing of question serves to give better insight into how the teachers education program has changed and evolved during the time period. Lastly the results of this study show that yes, there is a symbiotic relationship between Umeå university’s education for teachers and the Swedish high school curriculum. Furthermore, the students attending the teacher training education are taught that becoming a teacher is a lifelong mission to evolve and understand the changes happening in the schools.

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    Authors: Ljuslinder, Tove;

    A life without freedom, what is that? This question was stated in a letter from a man institutionalized at one of Sweden’s mental asylums in the 1940s. It is also the title of this essay which explores the life and experiences of institutionalized individuals during 1941–1949. This analysis is based on letters they wrote to the Swedish author Astrid Väring who published her first book regarding the psychiatric care system I som här inträden (1944). Her book was a novel, which yielded great public interest and a year later was adapted for the screen. This led to people starting to write letters to Väring telling her about their stories from inside of the mental healthcare system. These letters constitute the basis for the results of this essay which aims to provide new knowledge on people’s experiences of institutionalization as expressed by their own words. The analysis is a part of the disability history field and a contribution to the critical study of the Swedish Folkhem. Based on both quantitative and qualitative methods, the letters and their contents tell us about those writing these letters and their experiences during, before and after confinement. The results from quantitative analysis of in total 404 letters out of which 207 are subject to in-depth study show that the majority of them were written by men and by people having experienced the mental health care system. Relatives to them, healthcare professionals and individuals without any connection to this system are also found among those writing letters to Väring. From these letters we learn of the abuse inmates endured during their institutionalization both physically and psychologically. Their lives before confinement and the reasons behind it are also focused on. Social friction with people in their surroundings, criminal offenses, and voluntary care exemplify some explanations to their confinement. The stories they share about their life upon release are defined by a sense of fear, persecution, and a loss of property, social networks and sense of security, in addition to a fear of being confined yet again or meeting those who once caused their incarceration. In all, the letters can be seen as a protest against the entire health care system they were faced with, which further reflects the helplessness and frustration they felt regarding their life and situation.

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    Authors: Bergenfors, Mats;

    The overall aim with this study is to understand how and why the political environment in Sweden changed so drastically during the first years of the 1990s. The political mayfly New Democracy took office in the Swedish parliament in 1991 to 1994. At the time they were branded as a rightwing, xenophobic populist party. While our Nordic neighbors have had political parties resembling New Democracy since the beginning of the 1970’s, the established parties in Sweden managed to cover most of these controversial questions for some time. In a world that was dominated by western capitalism and libertinism following the collapse of the Soviet union, with increasing immigration also from outside of Europe, the Swedish people wanted to see change and the 1991 election turned out to be historical in that about 30% of the voters changed party allegiance. Enter New Democracy, a party that had been formally created in February 1991. They had been formed by 2 strong characters who met in November 1990 for the very first time: Ian Wachtmeister and Bert Karlsson. Karlsson was the person with impeccable instincts for publicity. Wachtmeister was the man behind most of the ideas that came to make up the party program. Their leading idea was that politics should be governed by common sense. In this spirit (and the lack of time) they postponed a lot of principal and basic discussions on key matters, with the idea that they would sort them out once elected. This did not work out too well and they soon started to disintegrate from within and by the next election in 1994 they had basically stopped working as a party. The aim of the study is achieved through evaluating the following areas: how did New Democracy communicate with their voters as well as how they worked in parliament seen in the light of their party program; the second evaluates New Democracy from an ideology standpoint and finally; how did the voters look at the political situation in Sweden at this time? What relatively little has been written and researched about New Democracy has seemingly always taken the starting view of looking at them as a populist party. In this thesis I look atthis unconditionally, and start with an analysis of ideologies and populism. The characteristics identified from this are then applied on New Democracy based on what they said they wanted to achieve as well as how they applied their ideas in real life. In order to firmly establish the current theories on ideologies in general and populist theory in particular I have drawn upon some of the most well renown researchers in these areas. As fo rthe study of New Democracy I have been using whatever little material they published themselves, in addition I’ve been using the archives of the Swedish government and a series of books and research on New Democracy. Furthermore I’ve conducted an interview with a former New Democracy parliament member to add and confirm much of the written material. The analysis shows that New Democracy was a party that in some ways were ahead of their time as it took another couple of years and then many of their ideas had been implemented. Their messages and ways to go about it were seen as extraordinary at the time. This provides an interesting parallel to the political debate of today considering what is seen as politically correct. Although they were seen as rebels at the time, by today’s standards they appear as rather harmless. They were seen as a populist party of their day. By comparing to current definitions of a populist parti they would rather be seen as a discontent party. Today they would not stand out even nearly in the same way as they did then. And finally, I would argue that the development of a party like New Democracy was inevitable at the time given all political changes in Sweden and in our vicinity.

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    Authors: Bonneau, Leonard;

    This essay aims to ask and answer two questions: to which extent is South American colonialism represented in textbooks used in the current swedish curriculum, and furthermore can those textbooks enable intercultural teaching in swedish classrooms? To this end, the theory of intercultural teaching provided the framework and cultural discourse analysis was used as the tool by which the texts were analysed. The results showed that textbooks alone might not be enough to enable intercultural teaching, rather complimentary sources would be needed to buttress the teacher in their teaching. This opens up two main problems, the first being what resources does the teacher have available? By this I include time management and financial factors. Secondly, what level of interculturalism is considered correct and how many perspectives need to be taken into consideration? The answer to these two apparent problems has much relation to the amount of hours the teacher has to work with within the framework of a school year. The course History 1b, which has the broadestand most amount of classroom hours, has therefore been the subject of myexamination.

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    Authors: Hjalmarsson, Sofia;
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    Authors: Karlsson, Lina;

    Lämningar från mer än 230 romerska amfiteatrar har hittats sprida runt om i alla av det romerska imperiets provinser. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att skapa en förståelse för amfiteatrarnas betydelse för det romerska riket, genom att studera var de är lokaliserade och det fynd som har gjorts i dem. De flesta arbeten som redan gjorts i ämnet är gjorda på amfiteatrarnas konstruktion eller på separata amfiteatrar. Genom litteraturstudier av 23 amfiteatrar är syftet att få en större överblick över ämnet. Resultatet visar på att amfiteatrarna låg på militära, politiska och ekonomiskt strategiska platser och ofta i utkanten eller utanför staden. Fynd från amfiteatrarna visar att huvudstrategin bakom byggandet av amfiteatrarna var att kontrollera imperiets folk. Remains of more than 230 Roman amphitheatres have been found scattered around the provinces of the Roman Empire. The purpose of this essay is to create an understanding of the importance of amphitheatres to the Roman Empire, by studying where they are located and the archaeological finds that have been made in them. Most of the work already done on the subject has been done on the construction of the amphitheatres. Through literature studies of 23 amphitheatres, the aim is to get a greater overview of the subject. The results show that the amphitheatres were located in military, political and economic strategic locations and often on the outskirts or outside the city. Finds from the amphitheatres show that the main strategy behind the construction of the amphitheatres was to control the people of the empire.

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    Authors: Juto, Josefine;

    The study seeks to get an understanding of how, in which context and why depictions of aminority group are constructed, communicated, and manifested in the daily press by examining how the Swedish region Torne Valley was represented in the daily press during 1900–1909. Furthermore, the ambition with the study is also to highlight if and how the minority group is created in relation to the majority group. This was conducted by answering when and how the Tornedalians and the Torne Valley as a geographical as well associocultural environment was described in the media at the time and why they were represented in that way. Additionally, the study adopts an outsider-approach to examine the concepts as exonyms (formulated by others). This was carried out through a qualitative discourse analysis of over 200 unique texts from three Swedish newspapers, Svenska Dagbladet, Göteborgs Handels- och Sjöfartstidning and Göteborgs Aftonblad, which was supplemented by a brief quantitative analysis. The latter, to determine when the concept of Torne Valley and the Tornedalian minority group became known in the daily press. In the study, the second half of the 19th century is categorized as an introductory phase. This is followed by an establishment phase under 1900–1909, with a peak during the beginning of the 20th century. The establishment phase is not only when the concept was used more frequently but rather when the concept gained more attention in the press and entered the public arena. The results show that the Torne Valley mainly was brought to the light related to three overarching subjects – the folk high school in Matarengi, the year of famine between1902–1903 and the railway issue. This is extended to several discourses which are the exotic landscapes, the land of the future left behind, the dichotomy between Swedes and Finns, the cultural- and civilization project and the nation-building process. The study also shows that the depictions seamlessly are interwoven with communicated interests and ambitions which are based on economic, cultural, ideological, military strategic, and geopolitical grounds. This is supported by previous research. The construction of a minority group therefore derives from instrumental, situational, and contextual conditions, which allegedly serves the imagined majority group. As I see it, this is ultimately shown in the conflicting and competing representations of the Tornedalians and the Torne Valley.

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    Authors: Fjällborg, Anna;

    Author: Anna Fjällborg Title: Debacle: the Relation Between the State of Sweden and the Kvens 1960-2000. The purpose if this study is to investigate the relation between the State of Sweden and the minority Kvens in the years 1960- 2000 and to learn who the Kvens are. This include the investigation of what distinguish a National Minority in Sweden. This study uses the theoretical concepts of Nation, Nationalism, Identity and Etnicity as a base and it also includes a brief history of the relation between the Swedish State and the Kvens 1809-1950. The sources for this are Public Prints from the Swedish Government and Newspaper articles, all from the period 1960- 2000. Kvens are a collective name for the minorities Kvens, Tornedalingar and Lantalaiset. Differences and similarities among those Minority groups is something that this study investigate. The name Kvens also includes Kvens in Norway, Finland and Russia. The Kvens share history, langauge, culture and traditions over the borders. 1840- 1950 was a hard time for the Kvens because the Swedish State was using coercive methods to make the Kvens to good Swedish citizens which included speaking only Swedish and live according to Swedish culture and traditions. The nationalism was strong and the State believed in one nation, one language and one etnicity. Generations of Kvens got wounds and scars and was ashamed of who they where and today a majority of them can´t talk there own language Meänkieli. In 1995 the Framework Convention for Protection of National Minorities from the Council of Europe shed a light of how the Swedish State deals with the Kvens and pointed out that it is important that the Kvens gets protection. As a result of the Convention Sweden decided that the Kvens, in terms of Tornedalingar, are a National Minority and Meänkieli is a Minority Language. The Framework Convention led the way to fast changes for the better. When this study is written the State of Sweden has decided to investigates its historical treatment of the Kvens in form of a Truth- and Reconciliation Commission which make the topic of this study both relevant and up to date. The relationship between the State of Sweden and the Kvens has steadily improved since the 1980´s and the Framework Convention has helped in many ways. This study tells us what the Framework Convention includes and which amendments Sweden has done to implement it,which became a reality in the year 2000.

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    Authors: Brogno, Caterina;

    The collaboration between Oscar Wilde and Aubrey Beardsley would come to define a briefbut significant part of art history, the aesthetic movement. Its adherents subscribed to thetheory of art for art’s sake and believed in beauty over meaning. Art should be a part ofeveryday life and the aesthetic principles were adopted by writers, poets, artists anddesigners. Critics and viewers alike have described the artist’s drawings illustrating Saloméas feminist depictions of the fin de siècle woman; powerful and sexually liberated. Accordingto my argument, this is not the case. By placing the works in a historical context andconsidering factors such as class and gender it will become clear to the reader of this text asto why that is. Beardsley was a member of the artistic upper middle class and was thereforeexcluded from the strict sexual politics of the Victorian era, this is very evident in theillustrations of Salomé. The women in the drawings are not unconventional portrayals of thenew feminist but instead come off as crude caricatures – a way for the artist to shock theprude middle class.

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    Authors: Hanssen, Emil;

    En ofta förbisedd aspekt inom den historiska forskningen om folkmord och extrema beteenden är den japanska fanatismen under andra världskriget. Denna studie syftar på att analysera och utvärdera kausaliteten mellan Japans historia och deras uppträdande under kriget genom en holistisk och tvärvetenskaplig lins av kulturhistoria, psykohistoria och socialpsykologi. Källmaterialet var en sammansmältning av väster- och österländsk historieforskning om kejserliga Japan, men även till en viss del om Tyskland under det Tredje Riket, där mycket av tidigare förövarforskning har genomförts för att försöka förklara Förintelsen och Nazisternas utrotningspolitik. I kombination med socialpsykologiska teorier, ramar, studier och forskning om lydnadspsykologi, konformitet och kollektivism, syftet var att förklara varför ett land med en lång historia av strikta heders- och stolthetskoder, kunde transformeras till en militaristisk krigsmaskin som begick fruktansvärda brott mot mänskligheten och krigsbrott under 1930- och 40-talet. Resultatet visar en kombination av en lång historia av strikta hierarkier, Konfuciansk- och Zen-konformitet, kollektivism, socialisation, enkulturering, familism, auktoritetsbias, samt en livslång indoktrinering av den japanska befolkningen, förenade med ett metanarrativ och mythistoria om kejsarens gudomliga ursprung, den japanska Yamato-rasens unikhet och överlägsenhet, ledde till den visade fanatismen. Sammanparat med Japans ”heliga uppdrag” att befria det koloniserade Ostasien från det uppfattade hotet från Västs imperialister ledde till många av de handlingarna utförda av Japanerna och dissonansen mellan deras inbillade välvilja och verklighetens avskyvärda handlingar. Indoktrineringen i det japanska skolsystemet och militärskolorna, omtolkningen av Bushidō till ”döden är lättare än en fjäder” och ”döden före vanära”, många japaner var så indoktrinerade att blind lydnad följde utan att ifrågasätta, inklusive befallningar från deras överordnade som utgjorde krigsbrott då deindivideringsprocessen hade slutförts. Detta ledde till en hel nation som var villig att offra sig själva för att stoppa de annalkande Allierade. Många kollektivistiska samhällen betonar samhällelig harmoni, sammanhållning och enhetlighet, därav tidsandan blev de föreskrivna normerna och värden, inklusive hotet och den påföljande dehumaniseringen av Väst, den upplevda resursnöden och levnadsutrymme, samt den efterkrigstida offermentaliteten och rationaliseringen av föregående beteenden.

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    Authors: Myrlund Nordell, Moa;

    The point of this study is to understand how Umeå university’s curriculum for the subject of history evolved in the time period 1970 to 2015. Therefore, this study will analyze Umeå university’s curriculum for the course History AB 1, that is included in the history teacher training education. Furthermore, this study will take this analyzation of the curriculum and compare it to the Swedish high school curriculum. This is to better understand the evolution of the education program for teachers, but also to study the symbiotic relationship between schools and universities. Moreover, this assignment will be using Stina Hallsén’s description of policy analyzes to examine the valuation and norms from Umeå’s curriculum, and then take the analyzation further by comparing it to the Swedish high school curriculum. It will thereafter be analyzed with Gert Biesta’s three concepts, Qualification, Socialization and subjectification. Biesta’s concepts will help to measure how good the education at the teacher education program in Umeå is. The results of the study can shortly be described that there’s a long line of changes happening at the teacher education program at Umeå university and the subject of history in the time period 1970 to 2015. The changes range from small differences like the curriculum changing pace, to big changes like entire course moments getting removed and new ones getting added. In addition, the curriculum from Umeå university gets compared to the Swedish high school curriculum. This comparison alongside the study’s framing of question serves to give better insight into how the teachers education program has changed and evolved during the time period. Lastly the results of this study show that yes, there is a symbiotic relationship between Umeå university’s education for teachers and the Swedish high school curriculum. Furthermore, the students attending the teacher training education are taught that becoming a teacher is a lifelong mission to evolve and understand the changes happening in the schools.

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    Authors: Ljuslinder, Tove;

    A life without freedom, what is that? This question was stated in a letter from a man institutionalized at one of Sweden’s mental asylums in the 1940s. It is also the title of this essay which explores the life and experiences of institutionalized individuals during 1941–1949. This analysis is based on letters they wrote to the Swedish author Astrid Väring who published her first book regarding the psychiatric care system I som här inträden (1944). Her book was a novel, which yielded great public interest and a year later was adapted for the screen. This led to people starting to write letters to Väring telling her about their stories from inside of the mental healthcare system. These letters constitute the basis for the results of this essay which aims to provide new knowledge on people’s experiences of institutionalization as expressed by their own words. The analysis is a part of the disability history field and a contribution to the critical study of the Swedish Folkhem. Based on both quantitative and qualitative methods, the letters and their contents tell us about those writing these letters and their experiences during, before and after confinement. The results from quantitative analysis of in total 404 letters out of which 207 are subject to in-depth study show that the majority of them were written by men and by people having experienced the mental health care system. Relatives to them, healthcare professionals and individuals without any connection to this system are also found among those writing letters to Väring. From these letters we learn of the abuse inmates endured during their institutionalization both physically and psychologically. Their lives before confinement and the reasons behind it are also focused on. Social friction with people in their surroundings, criminal offenses, and voluntary care exemplify some explanations to their confinement. The stories they share about their life upon release are defined by a sense of fear, persecution, and a loss of property, social networks and sense of security, in addition to a fear of being confined yet again or meeting those who once caused their incarceration. In all, the letters can be seen as a protest against the entire health care system they were faced with, which further reflects the helplessness and frustration they felt regarding their life and situation.

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    Authors: Bergenfors, Mats;

    The overall aim with this study is to understand how and why the political environment in Sweden changed so drastically during the first years of the 1990s. The political mayfly New Democracy took office in the Swedish parliament in 1991 to 1994. At the time they were branded as a rightwing, xenophobic populist party. While our Nordic neighbors have had political parties resembling New Democracy since the beginning of the 1970’s, the established parties in Sweden managed to cover most of these controversial questions for some time. In a world that was dominated by western capitalism and libertinism following the collapse of the Soviet union, with increasing immigration also from outside of Europe, the Swedish people wanted to see change and the 1991 election turned out to be historical in that about 30% of the voters changed party allegiance. Enter New Democracy, a party that had been formally created in February 1991. They had been formed by 2 strong characters who met in November 1990 for the very first time: Ian Wachtmeister and Bert Karlsson. Karlsson was the person with impeccable instincts for publicity. Wachtmeister was the man behind most of the ideas that came to make up the party program. Their leading idea was that politics should be governed by common sense. In this spirit (and the lack of time) they postponed a lot of principal and basic discussions on key matters, with the idea that they would sort them out once elected. This did not work out too well and they soon started to disintegrate from within and by the next election in 1994 they had basically stopped working as a party. The aim of the study is achieved through evaluating the following areas: how did New Democracy communicate with their voters as well as how they worked in parliament seen in the light of their party program; the second evaluates New Democracy from an ideology standpoint and finally; how did the voters look at the political situation in Sweden at this time? What relatively little has been written and researched about New Democracy has seemingly always taken the starting view of looking at them as a populist party. In this thesis I look atthis unconditionally, and start with an analysis of ideologies and populism. The characteristics identified from this are then applied on New Democracy based on what they said they wanted to achieve as well as how they applied their ideas in real life. In order to firmly establish the current theories on ideologies in general and populist theory in particular I have drawn upon some of the most well renown researchers in these areas. As fo rthe study of New Democracy I have been using whatever little material they published themselves, in addition I’ve been using the archives of the Swedish government and a series of books and research on New Democracy. Furthermore I’ve conducted an interview with a former New Democracy parliament member to add and confirm much of the written material. The analysis shows that New Democracy was a party that in some ways were ahead of their time as it took another couple of years and then many of their ideas had been implemented. Their messages and ways to go about it were seen as extraordinary at the time. This provides an interesting parallel to the political debate of today considering what is seen as politically correct. Although they were seen as rebels at the time, by today’s standards they appear as rather harmless. They were seen as a populist party of their day. By comparing to current definitions of a populist parti they would rather be seen as a discontent party. Today they would not stand out even nearly in the same way as they did then. And finally, I would argue that the development of a party like New Democracy was inevitable at the time given all political changes in Sweden and in our vicinity.

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    Authors: Bonneau, Leonard;

    This essay aims to ask and answer two questions: to which extent is South American colonialism represented in textbooks used in the current swedish curriculum, and furthermore can those textbooks enable intercultural teaching in swedish classrooms? To this end, the theory of intercultural teaching provided the framework and cultural discourse analysis was used as the tool by which the texts were analysed. The results showed that textbooks alone might not be enough to enable intercultural teaching, rather complimentary sources would be needed to buttress the teacher in their teaching. This opens up two main problems, the first being what resources does the teacher have available? By this I include time management and financial factors. Secondly, what level of interculturalism is considered correct and how many perspectives need to be taken into consideration? The answer to these two apparent problems has much relation to the amount of hours the teacher has to work with within the framework of a school year. The course History 1b, which has the broadestand most amount of classroom hours, has therefore been the subject of myexamination.

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    Authors: Hjalmarsson, Sofia;
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    Authors: Karlsson, Lina;

    Lämningar från mer än 230 romerska amfiteatrar har hittats sprida runt om i alla av det romerska imperiets provinser. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att skapa en förståelse för amfiteatrarnas betydelse för det romerska riket, genom att studera var de är lokaliserade och det fynd som har gjorts i dem. De flesta arbeten som redan gjorts i ämnet är gjorda på amfiteatrarnas konstruktion eller på separata amfiteatrar. Genom litteraturstudier av 23 amfiteatrar är syftet att få en större överblick över ämnet. Resultatet visar på att amfiteatrarna låg på militära, politiska och ekonomiskt strategiska platser och ofta i utkanten eller utanför staden. Fynd från amfiteatrarna visar att huvudstrategin bakom byggandet av amfiteatrarna var att kontrollera imperiets folk. Remains of more than 230 Roman amphitheatres have been found scattered around the provinces of the Roman Empire. The purpose of this essay is to create an understanding of the importance of amphitheatres to the Roman Empire, by studying where they are located and the archaeological finds that have been made in them. Most of the work already done on the subject has been done on the construction of the amphitheatres. Through literature studies of 23 amphitheatres, the aim is to get a greater overview of the subject. The results show that the amphitheatres were located in military, political and economic strategic locations and often on the outskirts or outside the city. Finds from the amphitheatres show that the main strategy behind the construction of the amphitheatres was to control the people of the empire.

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    Authors: Juto, Josefine;

    The study seeks to get an understanding of how, in which context and why depictions of aminority group are constructed, communicated, and manifested in the daily press by examining how the Swedish region Torne Valley was represented in the daily press during 1900–1909. Furthermore, the ambition with the study is also to highlight if and how the minority group is created in relation to the majority group. This was conducted by answering when and how the Tornedalians and the Torne Valley as a geographical as well associocultural environment was described in the media at the time and why they were represented in that way. Additionally, the study adopts an outsider-approach to examine the concepts as exonyms (formulated by others). This was carried out through a qualitative discourse analysis of over 200 unique texts from three Swedish newspapers, Svenska Dagbladet, Göteborgs Handels- och Sjöfartstidning and Göteborgs Aftonblad, which was supplemented by a brief quantitative analysis. The latter, to determine when the concept of Torne Valley and the Tornedalian minority group became known in the daily press. In the study, the second half of the 19th century is categorized as an introductory phase. This is followed by an establishment phase under 1900–1909, with a peak during the beginning of the 20th century. The establishment phase is not only when the concept was used more frequently but rather when the concept gained more attention in the press and entered the public arena. The results show that the Torne Valley mainly was brought to the light related to three overarching subjects – the folk high school in Matarengi, the year of famine between1902–1903 and the railway issue. This is extended to several discourses which are the exotic landscapes, the land of the future left behind, the dichotomy between Swedes and Finns, the cultural- and civilization project and the nation-building process. The study also shows that the depictions seamlessly are interwoven with communicated interests and ambitions which are based on economic, cultural, ideological, military strategic, and geopolitical grounds. This is supported by previous research. The construction of a minority group therefore derives from instrumental, situational, and contextual conditions, which allegedly serves the imagined majority group. As I see it, this is ultimately shown in the conflicting and competing representations of the Tornedalians and the Torne Valley.

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    Authors: Fjällborg, Anna;

    Author: Anna Fjällborg Title: Debacle: the Relation Between the State of Sweden and the Kvens 1960-2000. The purpose if this study is to investigate the relation between the State of Sweden and the minority Kvens in the years 1960- 2000 and to learn who the Kvens are. This include the investigation of what distinguish a National Minority in Sweden. This study uses the theoretical concepts of Nation, Nationalism, Identity and Etnicity as a base and it also includes a brief history of the relation between the Swedish State and the Kvens 1809-1950. The sources for this are Public Prints from the Swedish Government and Newspaper articles, all from the period 1960- 2000. Kvens are a collective name for the minorities Kvens, Tornedalingar and Lantalaiset. Differences and similarities among those Minority groups is something that this study investigate. The name Kvens also includes Kvens in Norway, Finland and Russia. The Kvens share history, langauge, culture and traditions over the borders. 1840- 1950 was a hard time for the Kvens because the Swedish State was using coercive methods to make the Kvens to good Swedish citizens which included speaking only Swedish and live according to Swedish culture and traditions. The nationalism was strong and the State believed in one nation, one language and one etnicity. Generations of Kvens got wounds and scars and was ashamed of who they where and today a majority of them can´t talk there own language Meänkieli. In 1995 the Framework Convention for Protection of National Minorities from the Council of Europe shed a light of how the Swedish State deals with the Kvens and pointed out that it is important that the Kvens gets protection. As a result of the Convention Sweden decided that the Kvens, in terms of Tornedalingar, are a National Minority and Meänkieli is a Minority Language. The Framework Convention led the way to fast changes for the better. When this study is written the State of Sweden has decided to investigates its historical treatment of the Kvens in form of a Truth- and Reconciliation Commission which make the topic of this study both relevant and up to date. The relationship between the State of Sweden and the Kvens has steadily improved since the 1980´s and the Framework Convention has helped in many ways. This study tells us what the Framework Convention includes and which amendments Sweden has done to implement it,which became a reality in the year 2000.

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    Authors: Brogno, Caterina;

    The collaboration between Oscar Wilde and Aubrey Beardsley would come to define a briefbut significant part of art history, the aesthetic movement. Its adherents subscribed to thetheory of art for art’s sake and believed in beauty over meaning. Art should be a part ofeveryday life and the aesthetic principles were adopted by writers, poets, artists anddesigners. Critics and viewers alike have described the artist’s drawings illustrating Saloméas feminist depictions of the fin de siècle woman; powerful and sexually liberated. Accordingto my argument, this is not the case. By placing the works in a historical context andconsidering factors such as class and gender it will become clear to the reader of this text asto why that is. Beardsley was a member of the artistic upper middle class and was thereforeexcluded from the strict sexual politics of the Victorian era, this is very evident in theillustrations of Salomé. The women in the drawings are not unconventional portrayals of thenew feminist but instead come off as crude caricatures – a way for the artist to shock theprude middle class.

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