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  • Digital Humanities and Cultural Heritage
  • 2018-2022
  • Open Access
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  • Estonian
  • Digital Humanities and Cultural Her...

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Tark, Triin;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Authors: Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Authors: Polli, Kadi;

    This PhD thesis examines the Baltic art field during the Enlightenment, focusing on the amateur pictorial legacy. By turning our attention from the professional-institutional art world, which was still quite limited in the 18th century, to the broader circle of dilettanti, and from artistically high-quality pictures to everyday drawing practices (travel and scientific drawings, cartographical records, pictures related to local history and archaeology, journal vignettes, etc), the sudden increase of art appreciation and drawing skills among the Baltic nobility and educated class in the second half of the 18th century has been traced, along with the noteworthy role played by pictorial media during the Baltic Enlightenment. In the thesis, this change of perspective and a certain re-evaluation of the descriptive patterns related to the local art field help to highlight the special features of Baltic art, by allowing the limited aesthetic quality and the modest creative flight of the early local pictorial legacy to be treated without an inferiority complex and for its inherently Enlightenment-based pragmatic attitude and applied nature to be viewed as one of the main features of Baltic German art culture. Along with the mapping of the local art lovers’ pictorial experiences and prototypes, the topographies of Baltic sights and landscapes that were the most important and most characteristic pictorial genre of the Baltic Enlightenment, and which created the local visual identity, are examined. Various articles explore the aspect of female dilettanti, the theme of art collections and the art market, and provide a view based on the history of mentality as it relates to the various functions and art/artist positions in Baltic society. Attention is separately paid to distinguishing between an artist’s hobby and artist’s profession and the awareness thereof in the Baltic mentality; and to several, cultural self-determinations that developed locally during the Enlightenment, and which continued to feed the amateur, Enlightenment-based and pragmatic attitude toward artistic creation during the 19th century. Doktoritöö võtab vaatluse alla Balti valgustusaegse kunstivälja, keskendudes harrastuslikule pildipärandile. Pöörates fookuse 18.sajandi veel tagasihoidlikult professionaalselt-institutsionaalselt kunstielult laiemale harrastajate ringile ja kunstiliselt kõrgetasemelistelt piltidelt harrastuslikele, argistele, rakenduslikele joonistuspraktikatele (reisi- ja teadusjoonistused, kartograafilised ülestähendused, koduloolised ja muinasteaduslikud pildid, päevikuvinjetid jpm) on jälgitud kunstitundmise ja joonistusoskuse hüppelist kasvu Balti aadli- ja haritlaskonna seas 18.sajandi teisel poolel – ja veel enam, pildimeedia märkimisväärset rolli Balti valgustuses. Selline vaatenurga muutmine ja seniste kohalikku kunstivälja kirjeldavate mustrite teatav ümbermängimine on töös abiks balti kunsti erijoonte esiletoomisel, lubades alaväärsuskompleksita käsitleda siinse varase pildipärandi vähest esteetilist kvaliteeti ja madalat loomelendu ning hinnata sellele omast valgustuslik-pragmaatilist suhtumist ja rakenduslikku-harrastuslikku iseloomu kui baltisaksa kunstikultuuri ühte põhijoont. Koos siinsete harrastajate pildikogemuse ja -eeskujude kaardistamisega võetakse fookusesse Balti valgustuskunsti kõige tähtsam ja iseloomulikum, kohalikku visuaalset identiteeti loov pildižanr – muististe ja vaatamisväärsuste pildilised topograafiad ning maastikujoonistused. Erinevates artiklites lisandub naisuurimuse aspekt, kunstikogude ja –turu teema ning mentaliteediajaloost lähtuv pilk joonistamise erinevatele funktsioonidele ja kunsti/kunstniku positsioonile Balti ühiskonnas. Omaette tähelepanu saavad kunstiharrastuse ja kunstnikuprofessiooni eristamine ja teadvustamine balti mentaliteedis ning mitmed just valgustusajas siinmail väljakujunenud kultuurilised enesedeterminatsioonid, mis jäävad harrastuslikku, valgustuslik-pragmaatilist suhtumist kunstiloomesse toitma ka 19. sajandi edenedes. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone https://www.ester.ee/record=b5249289~S1

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    Authors: Sirts, Kairit;

    Uurimistöö eesmärgiks oli välja töötada meetod tekstilise andmestiku kogumiseks, mille alusel saaks hiljem arendada masinõppel põhinevaid meetodeid depressiooni ja ärevuse riski automaatseks hindamiseks. Töö käigus koostati ankeet, mille abil koguti tekstilist materjali ligi 300-st vabatahtlikust koosnevalt mugavusvalimilt. Kogutud tekstid sisaldasid nii etteantud pildi kirjeldust kui ka vabalt valitud sündmuse või mälestuse kirjeldust. Valimis osalenute emotsionaalset seisundit mõõdeti EEK-2 skriiningtesti abil. Ligi 42% isikutest ületas depressiooni ning ligi 30% isikutest ärevuse alaskaala riskilävendi. Esialgsed eksperimendid masinõppe mudelitega, mis püüdsid ennustada, kas inimese EEK-2 skoor ületab depressiooni ja/või ärevuse riskilävendi, edukaid tulemusi ei andnud. Kokkuvõttes tundub, et etteantud pildi kirjeldamine ei ole sobivaim viis soovitud andmestiku kogumiseks ja pigem peaks kasutama selliseid kirjutamise ülesandeid, mis oleks inimese endaga rohkem seotud.

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    Authors: Yerman, Ecem;

    Bu eser metni iki ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölüm olan FeministHareket'te hareketin tarihçesi ve toplumsal olaylara bağlı gelişiminden bahsederkenözellikle ırkçılığa karşı duruşuyla tanıdığımız Kara Walker ve kadınların tümalanlarda uğradığı eşitsizliklere karşı mücadele veren Guerilla Girls'ün yapıtlarıörneklenmiştir.İkinci bölümde ise Feminist Sanatın önde gelen kadın heykeltarşlarından:Eva Hesse, Louise Bourgeois, Kiki Smith ele alınmıştır. The text consists of two main parts. First episode; Feminist Movement, tellsus about the history of the movement and its development due to social events, inthis direction Kara Walker, whom we know especially with its stance against racismand the work of Guerilla Girls, who are struggling against inequalities in all areas ofwomen are exemplified.In the second part, Eva Hesse, Louise Bourgeois, Kiki Smith are discussedas the dominant artist of Feminism 80

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    Thesis . 2019
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    Authors: Tark, Triin;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Authors: Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Authors: Polli, Kadi;

    This PhD thesis examines the Baltic art field during the Enlightenment, focusing on the amateur pictorial legacy. By turning our attention from the professional-institutional art world, which was still quite limited in the 18th century, to the broader circle of dilettanti, and from artistically high-quality pictures to everyday drawing practices (travel and scientific drawings, cartographical records, pictures related to local history and archaeology, journal vignettes, etc), the sudden increase of art appreciation and drawing skills among the Baltic nobility and educated class in the second half of the 18th century has been traced, along with the noteworthy role played by pictorial media during the Baltic Enlightenment. In the thesis, this change of perspective and a certain re-evaluation of the descriptive patterns related to the local art field help to highlight the special features of Baltic art, by allowing the limited aesthetic quality and the modest creative flight of the early local pictorial legacy to be treated without an inferiority complex and for its inherently Enlightenment-based pragmatic attitude and applied nature to be viewed as one of the main features of Baltic German art culture. Along with the mapping of the local art lovers’ pictorial experiences and prototypes, the topographies of Baltic sights and landscapes that were the most important and most characteristic pictorial genre of the Baltic Enlightenment, and which created the local visual identity, are examined. Various articles explore the aspect of female dilettanti, the theme of art collections and the art market, and provide a view based on the history of mentality as it relates to the various functions and art/artist positions in Baltic society. Attention is separately paid to distinguishing between an artist’s hobby and artist’s profession and the awareness thereof in the Baltic mentality; and to several, cultural self-determinations that developed locally during the Enlightenment, and which continued to feed the amateur, Enlightenment-based and pragmatic attitude toward artistic creation during the 19th century. Doktoritöö võtab vaatluse alla Balti valgustusaegse kunstivälja, keskendudes harrastuslikule pildipärandile. Pöörates fookuse 18.sajandi veel tagasihoidlikult professionaalselt-institutsionaalselt kunstielult laiemale harrastajate ringile ja kunstiliselt kõrgetasemelistelt piltidelt harrastuslikele, argistele, rakenduslikele joonistuspraktikatele (reisi- ja teadusjoonistused, kartograafilised ülestähendused, koduloolised ja muinasteaduslikud pildid, päevikuvinjetid jpm) on jälgitud kunstitundmise ja joonistusoskuse hüppelist kasvu Balti aadli- ja haritlaskonna seas 18.sajandi teisel poolel – ja veel enam, pildimeedia märkimisväärset rolli Balti valgustuses. Selline vaatenurga muutmine ja seniste kohalikku kunstivälja kirjeldavate mustrite teatav ümbermängimine on töös abiks balti kunsti erijoonte esiletoomisel, lubades alaväärsuskompleksita käsitleda siinse varase pildipärandi vähest esteetilist kvaliteeti ja madalat loomelendu ning hinnata sellele omast valgustuslik-pragmaatilist suhtumist ja rakenduslikku-harrastuslikku iseloomu kui baltisaksa kunstikultuuri ühte põhijoont. Koos siinsete harrastajate pildikogemuse ja -eeskujude kaardistamisega võetakse fookusesse Balti valgustuskunsti kõige tähtsam ja iseloomulikum, kohalikku visuaalset identiteeti loov pildižanr – muististe ja vaatamisväärsuste pildilised topograafiad ning maastikujoonistused. Erinevates artiklites lisandub naisuurimuse aspekt, kunstikogude ja –turu teema ning mentaliteediajaloost lähtuv pilk joonistamise erinevatele funktsioonidele ja kunsti/kunstniku positsioonile Balti ühiskonnas. Omaette tähelepanu saavad kunstiharrastuse ja kunstnikuprofessiooni eristamine ja teadvustamine balti mentaliteedis ning mitmed just valgustusajas siinmail väljakujunenud kultuurilised enesedeterminatsioonid, mis jäävad harrastuslikku, valgustuslik-pragmaatilist suhtumist kunstiloomesse toitma ka 19. sajandi edenedes. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone https://www.ester.ee/record=b5249289~S1

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    Authors: Sirts, Kairit;

    Uurimistöö eesmärgiks oli välja töötada meetod tekstilise andmestiku kogumiseks, mille alusel saaks hiljem arendada masinõppel põhinevaid meetodeid depressiooni ja ärevuse riski automaatseks hindamiseks. Töö käigus koostati ankeet, mille abil koguti tekstilist materjali ligi 300-st vabatahtlikust koosnevalt mugavusvalimilt. Kogutud tekstid sisaldasid nii etteantud pildi kirjeldust kui ka vabalt valitud sündmuse või mälestuse kirjeldust. Valimis osalenute emotsionaalset seisundit mõõdeti EEK-2 skriiningtesti abil. Ligi 42% isikutest ületas depressiooni ning ligi 30% isikutest ärevuse alaskaala riskilävendi. Esialgsed eksperimendid masinõppe mudelitega, mis püüdsid ennustada, kas inimese EEK-2 skoor ületab depressiooni ja/või ärevuse riskilävendi, edukaid tulemusi ei andnud. Kokkuvõttes tundub, et etteantud pildi kirjeldamine ei ole sobivaim viis soovitud andmestiku kogumiseks ja pigem peaks kasutama selliseid kirjutamise ülesandeid, mis oleks inimese endaga rohkem seotud.

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    Authors: Yerman, Ecem;

    Bu eser metni iki ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölüm olan FeministHareket'te hareketin tarihçesi ve toplumsal olaylara bağlı gelişiminden bahsederkenözellikle ırkçılığa karşı duruşuyla tanıdığımız Kara Walker ve kadınların tümalanlarda uğradığı eşitsizliklere karşı mücadele veren Guerilla Girls'ün yapıtlarıörneklenmiştir.İkinci bölümde ise Feminist Sanatın önde gelen kadın heykeltarşlarından:Eva Hesse, Louise Bourgeois, Kiki Smith ele alınmıştır. The text consists of two main parts. First episode; Feminist Movement, tellsus about the history of the movement and its development due to social events, inthis direction Kara Walker, whom we know especially with its stance against racismand the work of Guerilla Girls, who are struggling against inequalities in all areas ofwomen are exemplified.In the second part, Eva Hesse, Louise Bourgeois, Kiki Smith are discussedas the dominant artist of Feminism 80

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