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Farmland birds are among the most threatened species in Europe, largely as a result of the intensification of agriculture leading to widespread biodiversity losses. Ground-breeding shorebirds in grassland and arable habitats are particularly exposed to human threats and predation in highly modified landscapes; however, parts of their populations still breed in natural habitats and could provide a reservoir for threatened populations. This study aimed to improve our knowledge of the spatio-temporal use of breeding habitats by Eurasian curlew Numenius arquata arquata in a core area of the population in remote north-eastern Europe. A total of 83 adult birds across Europe were tagged with GPS devices between 2014 and 2022 to analyse their home-range sizes, habitat use and hatching success. Birds were distributed at breeding sites from 52°N to 66°N between Finland and the Ural Mountains. Forty-one percent of individuals nested in bogs, 33% in grassland, and 20% in abandoned farmland. Birds nested predominantly in bogs at northern latitudes and in grassland at southern latitudes, while abandoned farmland was mainly used at intermediate latitudes. The mean home range was largest for birds breeding predominantly in grassland while birds in bogs had the highest hatching success rate. Russia and Finland host the core population of the subspecies N. a. arquata during breeding period, which is essential for preserving the species on a European scale. Their survival may depend on well-preserved bogs and the maintenance of grassland areas, given that large areas of abandoned farmland are destined to become either forest or to be reclaimed for cereal crops or fodder grass in the short and medium terms. Given the large breeding populations in both countries, Russia and Finland have major responsibilities to maintain these essential populations on a biogeographical scale. International audience

The geometry of unconformities carved by deep time ice sheets is often obscured and restricted by discontinuous exposure, or outcrop conditions that do not readily permit the examination of glacial unconformities (for example, steeply dipping strata). Here, we present new uncrewed aerial vehicle (UAV) data from selected outcrops across northern, central and southern Namibia to shed further light on the nature of the basal Dwyka Group unconformity. This includes the onlap relationship of basal diamictites onto the Gomatum palaeo-fjord system in northern Namibia, highly complex mapped ice flow orientations elsewhere in the northern Kaokoveld, previously undiscovered grooves along the Fish River area, and a set of subglacial grooves along the border with South Africa along the Orange River. In the latter two cases, photogrammetric methods integrating orthophotos and digital elevation models reveal the presence of subglacial grooves. Furthermore, subglacial grooves often show different orientations to striations and fabrics measured in overlying diamictites, raising fresh questions about the nature of small-scale flow variations beneath Late Palaeozoic ice sheets. International audience

Landscapes are socially produced and reproduced spaces. This is easily recognizable for large-scale urban groups with built environments that dominate living places. But it also pertains to all types of societies and cultures, even small-scale hunter–gatherers, once the ontological beliefs structuring landscape perception and use are acknowledged. The foragers of south–central and southern California and the Great Basin illustrate this fact. They maintained a widely shared ontological perspective supported by a fundamental cognitive postulate. This is that supernatural power, the principle causative agent in the universe, was differentially distributed among individuals and places. The distribution of power, revealed by certain geomorphological features and natural events, structured their perceptions of landscape. These perceptions were expressed in ritual and symbolism, including petroglyphs and pictographs as durable manifestations of ceremonies on the landscape. The ontological relationship between power and landscape explains a longstanding question in hunter–gatherer archaeology: Why were rock writing sites created at specific locations? It also explains another equally significant but rarely considered and related problem: Why do some localities have massive quantities of rock writings that dwarf most other sites? The landscape symbolism of and the placement of sites by Native Californian and Great Basin tribes is explained by reference to their shared ontological beliefs, illustrating how they structured their ritual practices and archaeological record.

Les stratégies de subsistance des premières communautés agricoles ont été mises en évidence depuis le début du Néolithique grâce à de nombreuses études sur les résidus lipidiques des récipients en céramique menées dans diverses parties de l’Europe continentale. En revanche, très peu de données sont disponibles pour la fin du Néolithique et le début de l’âge du Bronze sur la côte atlantique, en particulier en contexte insulaire. Cet article présente les résultats de l’analyse de résidus lipidiques provenant de 129 fragments de poteries de Beg ar Loued (Molène, France), un site insulaire dont les principaux vestiges datent de l’âge du Bronze ancien (c. 2700-2600 à 1800 BCE). Dans le but de comprendre l’utilisation des récipients, les pratiques culinaires sur ce site et d’appréhender les tech-niques de finition des céramiques, des analyses de résidus visibles carbonisés, de tessons, et de surfaces/couches d’engobe ont été effectuées via des analyses chromatographiques (n = 174) et isotopiques (n = 24), après extraction des lipides par solvant (n = 174) ou méthanolyse acide (n = 31). Les résultats démontrent l’utilisation extensive de produits terrestres (carcasses de ruminants et produits laitiers), comprenant occasionnellement des produits végétaux (avec un mélange probable de différentes cires), alors que la détection des produits aquatiques est faible. Comparés aux données fauniques, ces résultats indiquent donc que les produits terrestres, tels que la viande de ruminant et les produits laitiers, sont transformés en utilisant des récipients en céramiques, tandis que les produits aquatiques semblent de préférence exploités sans avoir recours à une poterie. Ces résultats démontrent l’importance de l’analyse des résidus lipidiques pour connaître le rôle des récipients en céramique dans la production et la consommation d’aliments sur les sites de la côte atlantique. The subsistence strategies of early farming communities have been highlighted since the beginning of the Neolithic, thanks to numerous studies on lipid residues from ceramic vessels conducted in various parts of continental Europe. However, after the Early Neolithic, evidence of subsistence strategies along the northern Atlantic coast are still lacking, especially for island contexts. This paper presents the results of lipid residue analysis of 129 potsherds from Beg ar Loued (Molène, France), an island site dating primarily to the Early Bronze Age (c. 2700-2600 to 1800 BCE). Aiming to understand the use of vessels, vessel treatment and culinary practices on the settlement, analyses of visible charred residues, sherds and ceramic surfaces/coating layers were carried out using chromatographic (n = 174) and isotopic techniques (n = 24) after lipid extraction by solvent (n = 174) or acid methanolysis (n = 31). The results demonstrate the extensive use of terrestrial products (ruminant carcass and dairy) in pottery, including occasional plant products (with possible mixtures of different waxes), while the detection of aquatic products is limited. Thus, combined with evidence from faunal remains at the site, the results indicate that terrestrial resources like ruminant meat and dairy products were preferentially processed in vessels, and aquatic products mostly without the use of ceramics. These findings demonstrate the significance of lipid residue analysis for studying the role of pottery in food production and consumption at sites along the Atlantic coast. International audience

This paper introduces the Snap Hook Methodology, a method implicitly used notably in astrochemistry to indirectly validate and assess the accuracy of computational calculations in the absence of experimental or observational data. We argue that this methodology has a tremendous potential as a substitute for traditional verification and validation standards, when those are not accessible and the reliability of numerical predictions difficult to estimate. Our goal is to give to this method a proper formulation, in order for philosophers of science to enter the debate, and to highlight its interesting features in terms of interdisciplinary facilitation and knowledge transmission. International audience

De nombreux animaux ont été exploités dès la Préhistoire pour leur viande ou pour d’autres matières comme la peau, les os, les dents… Parmi ces animaux, le mollusque marin a souvent été délaissé des archéologues. Ce désamour peut s’expliquer car chasser du gibier en forêt est bien plus valorisé que pêcher des coquillages sur les rochers. Pourtant, les mollusques en ont autant à nous apprendre sur les populations humaines du passé que les autres animaux. Ils permettent d’aborder les évolutions des sociétés humaines d’un point de vue symbolique, économique ou sociétale. Dès la Préhistoire, les populations humaines vont différencier les coquillages qu’elles mangent de ceux dont elles utilisent la coquille. Ce constat se poursuit tout au long de la chronologie.Cette conférence est un voyage dans le temps de la Préhistoire au Moyen Age le long de nos côtes atlantiques. Vous y découvrirez une diversité insoupçonnée d’utilisations des mollusques marins : du statut de fruit de mer, au colorant voire au symbole de richesse… Elle permet de nous interroger sur notre rapport à l’animal et à la nature. Que vous ayez ou non mis un jour une coquille dans votre poche lors d’une balade sur la plage, il est à parier, que vous ne regarderez plus les coquillages comme des animaux dépourvus d’intérêt. Many animals have been exploited since prehistoric times for their meat or for other materials such as skin, bones, teeth, etc. Among these animals, marine molluscs have often been overlooked by archaeologists. This lack of interest can be explained by the fact that hunting big mammals in the forest is much more highly valued than collecting shellfish on the rocks. Yet molluscs have just as much to teach us about past human populations as other animals. They allow us to look at the evolution of human societies from a symbolic, economic or societal point of view. Since prehistoric times, human populations have differentiated between the shellfish they eat and those whose shells they use. This has been the case throughout history. This paper takes you on a travel through time, from prehistory to the Middle Ages, along our Atlantic coastline. You'll discover an unsuspected diversity of uses for marine molluscs, from seafood to colouring agents and even symbols of wealth... It's an opportunity to question our relationship with animals and nature. Whether or not you've ever put a shell in your pocket during a stroll on the beach, it's a safe bet that you'll no longer regard shellfish as uninteresting animals. International audience

Le 31 mai 1943 paraissait le premier fascicule du tome 1 de Gallia. En quatre-vingts ans d’existence, la politique éditoriale de la revue a évolué pour s’adapter aux nouvelles orientations et pratiques de son champ disciplinaire, aux évolutions des outils et supports de diffusion et à la place spécifique qu’elle occupe au sein du paysage de l’édition française. D’unité propre du CNRS à son intégration au sein du pôle éditorial de la MSH Mondes, en s’adossant aujourd’hui aux infrastructures de recherche publiques et aux différents réseaux des métiers de l’édition et de l’information scientifique et technique, Gallia poursuit les missions originelles qui lui ont été confiées, mêlant la publication scientifique et la structuration de ressources documentaires pour l’archéologie nationale. International audience

La réception de La Princesse de Clèves en Angleterre témoigne d’une rencontre manquée. Traduit de manière anonyme dès 1679, le roman ne rencontre pas le succès attendu. Certes, cette traduction est rééditée en 1688, mais la réception du roman est contrariée par le grand succès de l’adaptation théâtrale très libre qu’en donne le dramaturge Nathaniel Lee en 1680 au Queen’s Theatre, et dont le texte est publié en 1689. Adaptée spécifiquement au goût de la Restauration, la pièce ne reprend que quelques scènes-clés du roman, et, si le Prince et la Princesse de Clèves sont à peu près conformes à leurs modèles, le Duc de Nemours est représenté sous les traits d’un libertin, à l’image des roués (« rakes »), qui peuplaient les comédies londoniennes depuis les années 1660. Le roman passe ici clairement au second plan. Cette adaptation théâtrale semble avoir brouillé la perception de La Princesse de Clèves en Angleterre, en constituant un filtre à son appréciation. Ce n’est qu’au XVIIIe siècle, presque un demi-siècle plus tard, à l’heure de la sensibilité triomphante, que la fiction de Mme de Lafayette connaît un regain d’intêrêt en Angleterre. La Princesse de Clèves, retraduite en 1720, est alors intégrée dans plusieurs recueils de romans continentaux publiés au cours du siècle. Cet article revient sur les raisons de ce décalage dans la réception de La Princesse de Clèves, en étudiant ce moment de l’histoire littéraire anglaise, vers 1680, où les romans français sont traduits par brassées. Faut-il expliquer l’accueil relativement réservé rencontré par La Princesse de Clèves au XVIIe siècle comme procédant de la différence entre un goût anglais et un goût français ? On montrera que si le roman a très certainement pâti du brouillage créé par l’adaptation théâtrale de la pièce de 1680 ou 1681, il représentait aussi une forme de roman difficilement transposable en Angleterre en 1679. The reception of La Princesse of Clèves in England bears witness to a failed encounter. Anonymously translated in 1679, the novel did not meet with the expected success. Although the translation was republished in 1688, the novel's reception was thwarted by the great success of the very free theatrical adaptation given by the playwright Nathaniel Lee in 1680 at Queen's Theatre, the text of which was published in 1689. Adapted specifically to the tastes of the Restoration, the play takes up only a few key scenes from the novel, and while the Prince and Princess of Cleves are more or less true to their models, the Duke of Nemours is portrayed as a libertine, in line with the “rakes” who had populated London comedies since the 1660s. This theatrical adaptation seems to have blurred the perception of the French novel in England, acting as a filter for its appreciation. It was not until the eighteenth century, almost half a century later, at a time when novels of sensibility became fashionable, that Mme de Lafayette's fiction enjoyed renewed interest in England. The Princess of Cleves, retranslated in 1720, was then included in several collections of continental novels published over the course of the century. This article looks at the reasons for this gap in the reception of La Princesse de Clèves, by studying the moment in English literary history, around 1680, when French novels were translated by the dozens. Should we explain the relatively lukewarm reception of La Princesse of Clèves in the seventeenth century as a result of the difference between English and French tastes? This article shows that while the novel certainly suffered from the confusion created by the theatrical adaptation of the play in 1680 or 1681, it also represented a form of novel that was difficult to transpose to England in 1679.

Este trabajo busca analizar las emociones que acompañaron los procesos identitarios de los españoles instalados en Francia. Se tratará así de entender en qué medida y de qué manera los afectos y sensibilidades de estos emigrantes influyeron, no solamente en la manera en la que estos construyeron su identidad de español expatriado sino en cómo estos (re)pensaron sus estrategias migratorias durante su estancia en el país vecino.