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13 Research products

  • Digital Humanities and Cultural Heritage
  • 2014-2023
  • SE
  • Russian
  • Digitala Vetenskapliga Arkivet - Academic Archive On-line

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Birgegård, Ulla;

    The paper seeks to contribute to the discussion among historians about the value, as historical sources, of foreign diplomats stationed in Russia. Two young men, Hildebrand von Horn, an envoy extraordinaire of the Danish king, and the Swede Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeld, a student of the Russian language and Russian affairs on a scholarship granted by the Swedish king, met in the Russian capital during the summer of 1684. They had met before-in 1682 in Copenhagen-but this time their roles were quite different, as they were in Moscow as representatives of countries with opposite political aims vis-a-vis Russia. Von Horn was in Russia for the third time, knew many influential people at court and mastered the Russian language. He kept Sparwenfeld informed about what was going on behind the scenes at court. This information was written down by Sparwenfeld in his diary of the Russian journey, published by the author of this paper in 2002. In July 1684 von Horn told Sparwenfeld about the execution of "a noble and learned Pole, Negrebetskii". This person, Pavel Negrebetskii, had had an important position at court during the reign of Fyodor Alekseevich but lost his influence after the death of the Tsar. In August the two friends once more discussed Negrebetskii, his torture, and the role of I. M. Miloslavskii in his fate. Negrebetskii was accused of having taken part in a conspiracy against Sof'ia and her supporters in the aftermath of the streltsy uprising in May 1682. The torture was stopped by Vasilii Vasil'evich Golitsyn, and Negrebetskii was hastily and secretly taken to the Red Square and executed. Why was Negrebetskii executed in this way two years after his stated crime? After discussing various aspects of the question, this paper gives a possible answer. It seems that the real reason was that Negrebetskii did not stop trying to make the Polish king intervene on Naryshkina's side in the struggle for power between the Miloslavskii and Naryshkin clans. In connection with the arrival of an Austrian embassy in Moscow in May-June 1684, a new possibility for Negrebetskii to get in contact with Poland offered itself in the person of the Habsburg resident in Warsaw, I. Zierowsky. Negrebetskii, it seems, took advantage of the opportunity and tried to send a letter with Zierowsky to the Polish king, begging the king for help and support of Naryshkina and her son. The letter was intercepted, and Sof'ia and Miloslavskii decided to get rid of the irritating Pole once and for all. His execution also gave a clear signal to Peter's supporters that their previous plans were known and that their activities were under surveillance. It was not possible to touch the main actors in the unrealized conspiracy for political reasons; the most active among them was Vasilii Vasil'evich's cousin, Boris Alekseevich Golitsyn. So, the entries in Sparwenfeld ' s diary about nightly conversations between two foreigners in the Russian capital help to shed light on how and when Pavel Negrebetskii died, and, hopefully, also why. Статья является репликой в дискуссии об исторической ценности записей, которые вели работавшие в России иностранные дипломаты. Два молодых человека, Гильдебранд фон Горн, чрезвычайный посланник датского коро-ля, и швед Юхан Габриель Спарвенфельд, королевский стипендиат, изу-чавший русский язык и культуру, встретились в Москве летом 1684 г. Они познакомились еще в 1682 г. в Копенгагене, но в Москве они общались в качестве представителей двух стран, имевших в России разные политиче-ские цели. Фон Горн был в России в третий раз, прекрасно говорил по-рус-ски и был знаком с влиятельными лицами при дворе. Он рассказывал Спарвенфельду о закулисной жизни двора, которую хорошо представлял. Эту информацию Спарвенфельд записывал в дневник, который вел во вре-мя поездки (опубликован автором этой статьи в 2002 г.). В июле 1684 г. фон Горн рассказал Спарвенфельду о казни «одного поляка, знатного и ученого человека по имени Негребецкий». Речь шла о Павле Негребецком, зани-мавшем важное положение при дворе во время правления Федора Алексе-евича, но потерявшем свое влияние после смерти царя. В августе друзья еще раз обсуждали дело Негребецкого, обстоятельства его пыток до казни, а также и роль И. М. Милославского в его судьбе. Негребецкий обвинялся в участии в заговоре против Софьи и ее сторонников, возникшем после стрелецкого бунта в мае 1682 г. Пытки были прекращены Василием Васи-льевичем Голицыным. Негребецкого секретно отвезли на Красную пло-щадь и казнили. Почему Негребецкого казнили именно так, через два года после его предполагаемого преступления? После обсуждения различных аспектов данного вопроса в статье предлагается возможный ответ. Настоя-щей причиной поспешной казни было то, что Негребецкий продолжал склонять польского короля выступить на стороне Нарышкиной, матери Петра, в борьбе за власть между кланами Милославских и Нарышкиных. Поскольку в мае–июне 1684 г. в Москве находилось австрийское посольство, у Негребецкого появился надежный канал связи с Польшей в лице габсбург-ского резидента в Варшаве И. Жировского. Возможно, Негребецкий вос-пользовался случаем и попытался послать письмо польскому королю с просьбой о поддержке Нарышкиной и ее сына. Письмо было обнаружено, после чего Софья и Милославский наконец решили избавиться от раздра-жающего поляка. Его казнь позволила им дать отчетливый сигнал сторон-никам Петра, что их прежние планы известны и что они находятся под наблюдением. Главных участников несостоявшегося заговора нельзя было трогать по политическим причинам (самый энергичным заговорщиком был Борис Алексеевич Голицын, двоюродный брат Василия Васильевича). Таким образом, запись ночных разговоров двух иностранцев в русской сто-лице, кажется, помогла выяснить, как и когда умер Павел Негребецкий, а также высказать обоснованное предположение о причинах казни. Title in WoS: Why was Pavel Negrebetskii Executed?

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    Authors: Arzyutov, Dmitry V.; Danilina, Lidia;

    QC 20211207

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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej;

    The article analyses various instances of the memory politics of the Nazi genocide of Roma in Ukraine during wartime, Soviet and Post-Soviet periods of times through the prism of the theory of “path dependency” and the concept of “sites of memory“. One of the aims of this study is to interpret recent trends in contemporary memory politics in Ukraine, with focus on the Roma genocide memorials, and the documentation of the victims. The author shows how Soviet ‘path dependency’ designed the limits of commemoration of the Nazi genocide of the Roma in Ukraine. During World War II the leading Soviet newspapers informed the public about the mass killings of Roma by the Nazis on the occupied territories and stressed that the systematic extermination of this group was motivated by racial goals. However, after 1945, the systematic extermination of the Roma population by the Nazis became a taboo and was ignored by Soviet historiography and memory politics. The absence of an educated strata within the Roma group and the aggressive forgetting politics made impossible the recording of testimonies of the Soviet Roma tragedy immediately after the war. Today it is simply impossible because of a lack of witnesses and archival records. The author draws interesting parallels with memory politics in Ukraine, and its conciliation with Belarus and Russia. In recent years, about twenty monuments commemorating victims of the genocide of the Roma have been erected in Ukraine. According to decision of the Ukrainian Rada dated 8 October 2004, the International Day of the Holocaust of the Roma is held annually on 2 August. Following the countries of the European Union, Ukraine abandoned the official use of the word ‘Gypsies’ in favour of the more politically correct name ‘Roma’. At the same time, in Belarus there only three sites of memory devoted to the Roma genocide and in Russia – no one. In Ukraine, over the last few years, a number of conferences on the genocide of the Roma were held, collections of scientific papers were published, and research centres were formed. At the same time, in Belarus and in Russia, not a single scholar specializes in this subject. The author explains such contradiction by the radical change of memory politics of World War II in the contemporary Ukraine, which influenced by both the internal and external factors. The most important internal factor is the humanization of memory politics that is the diversion of memory politics from heroes to the sufferings of ordinary people. The revising of the Soviet myth of World War II opened the previously closed topics. The author shows how the realignment of Soviet history around new narrative axes is taking place in the memory politics of today's Ukraine. The main external factor is a process of the integration of the Ukrainian state into the EU. It is worth noting that in contrast to the Soviet era, memory politics in the present-day Ukraine are being built on the basis of a European concept of reconciliation. However, the memorialization of the victims of the Nazi genocide of the Roma has a number of objective obstacles related to the Soviet period. The problems related to commemoration of the genocide of the Roma, as this article has demonstrated, are limited by ‘path dependence’ and not by deliberately discriminatory politics towards the Ukrainian Roma. The politics of forgetting and poor integration into Soviet society did not give the Roma an opportunity for public recognition of their tragedy in the Soviet Union. One of the main problems of contemporary memory politics is the de-personalisation of the victims of the Roma genocide. The Roma traditionally avoid contact with the authorities, and the official data and the real number of the Roma can differ greatly. It is important to stress a number of factors which differentiate memory work on the Jewish and Roma tragedies. If today the Holocaust is remembered not only through monuments but also through deserted synagogues, the former Jewish ghettos and cemeteries, the Roma do not have any of these. With the genocide, almost all their physical space of memory was destroyed. For a long time the Roma minority did not share in the building of the Ukrainian nation. The commemoration of the Roma Holocaust has the possibility of changing this situation, boosting the inclusion of Roma in contemporary Ukrainian society. Tidskriftens titel på engelska: Holocaust and Modernity

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    Authors: Jansson, Olena; Shamin, Stepan;

    ISBN enligt titelsida: 978-5-8055-400-7 

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    Authors: Šamin, Stepan; Watson, Christine;

    In the centuries of conflict between the Ottoman Empire and various European states, polemical manuscripts, pamphlets and books on Turkish topics were common in Europe. Some texts reappeared at intervals, adapted to different circumstances. A certain category consisted of texts that were allegedly written by the Ottoman sultan himself. This paper deals with one such text, which proclaims to be an instruction from the sultan to his subjects on ceremonies and processions to be performed in order to please Allah. Variations of this text appeared in 1686–87, 1697–98 and 1716–17, in manuscripts and printed pamphlets in different languages. It was translated into Russian twice: in 1697 and 1716. The 1697 translation was only recently discovered among documents from Peter I’s Grand Embassy. This paper examines the textual relationships between the versions that appeared in different decades and their historical contexts, and contains an edition of the previously unpublished 1697 Russian translation.

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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej;

    The paper summarizes the results of the study of Scandinavian and Finnish settlements on the Kola Peninsula supported by the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies and Södertörn University as a part of the research project “Soviet Nordic Minorities and Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula” led by Associate Professor Andrej Kotljarchuk. The focus of this article is on the representation of Kola-Nordic history as well as on the Nordic sites of memory in today’s Russia

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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej;

    Tidskriftstitel på engelska: Holocaust and Modernity

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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej;
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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej; Nilsson, Torbjörn;

    The Great Terror in the Soviet Union 1937–38 was to a high degree accomplished on ethnic grounds. Citizens of German, Finnish and Polish and other descent became victims for the ‘national operations’ of the NKVD. In 1926 approximately 2,500 Swedes were residing in the Soviet Union. In April 1937 an NKVD-directive declared ‘to detect and remove from the USSR all foreign nationals, who in one way or another were suspected of espionage.’ Paradoxically the authorities tried to purge the country from ‘dangerous elements,’ but in the totalitarian communist system, returning home was still nearly impossible. The Embassy of Sweden in Moscow initiated a rescue operation, never before professionally studied. Hundreds of Swedish citizens in various regions of the country contacted the embassy in order to escape the threats from the NKVD. Many of them were from Karelia. Many were rescued, but in many cases the efforts failed. This unknown event gives a new perspective of Swedish diplomatic operations before World War II. But it also contributes to the wider issue of Western rescue operations in the USSR. Our paper is focused on the rescue operations of Sweden. How were they carried out? How did the Soviet concept of nationality affect the identification and misidentification of Swedes and Finns by the NKVD? Did the Embassy of Sweden in Moscow try to define ‘Swedish connection’ as broadly as possible? How important were the emotional reaction for the diplomats? The empirical results of this study open up for theoretical discussion on the relevance of moral and humanistic contents, as well as the principle of legal state in international conflicts and zones of insecurity. The source material is based on the collection of the Foreign Office discovered by the authors in the National Archives of Sweden, which contains various materials regarding the Swedish rescue operation.

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    Authors: Jansson, Olena;
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    Authors: Birgegård, Ulla;

    The paper seeks to contribute to the discussion among historians about the value, as historical sources, of foreign diplomats stationed in Russia. Two young men, Hildebrand von Horn, an envoy extraordinaire of the Danish king, and the Swede Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeld, a student of the Russian language and Russian affairs on a scholarship granted by the Swedish king, met in the Russian capital during the summer of 1684. They had met before-in 1682 in Copenhagen-but this time their roles were quite different, as they were in Moscow as representatives of countries with opposite political aims vis-a-vis Russia. Von Horn was in Russia for the third time, knew many influential people at court and mastered the Russian language. He kept Sparwenfeld informed about what was going on behind the scenes at court. This information was written down by Sparwenfeld in his diary of the Russian journey, published by the author of this paper in 2002. In July 1684 von Horn told Sparwenfeld about the execution of "a noble and learned Pole, Negrebetskii". This person, Pavel Negrebetskii, had had an important position at court during the reign of Fyodor Alekseevich but lost his influence after the death of the Tsar. In August the two friends once more discussed Negrebetskii, his torture, and the role of I. M. Miloslavskii in his fate. Negrebetskii was accused of having taken part in a conspiracy against Sof'ia and her supporters in the aftermath of the streltsy uprising in May 1682. The torture was stopped by Vasilii Vasil'evich Golitsyn, and Negrebetskii was hastily and secretly taken to the Red Square and executed. Why was Negrebetskii executed in this way two years after his stated crime? After discussing various aspects of the question, this paper gives a possible answer. It seems that the real reason was that Negrebetskii did not stop trying to make the Polish king intervene on Naryshkina's side in the struggle for power between the Miloslavskii and Naryshkin clans. In connection with the arrival of an Austrian embassy in Moscow in May-June 1684, a new possibility for Negrebetskii to get in contact with Poland offered itself in the person of the Habsburg resident in Warsaw, I. Zierowsky. Negrebetskii, it seems, took advantage of the opportunity and tried to send a letter with Zierowsky to the Polish king, begging the king for help and support of Naryshkina and her son. The letter was intercepted, and Sof'ia and Miloslavskii decided to get rid of the irritating Pole once and for all. His execution also gave a clear signal to Peter's supporters that their previous plans were known and that their activities were under surveillance. It was not possible to touch the main actors in the unrealized conspiracy for political reasons; the most active among them was Vasilii Vasil'evich's cousin, Boris Alekseevich Golitsyn. So, the entries in Sparwenfeld ' s diary about nightly conversations between two foreigners in the Russian capital help to shed light on how and when Pavel Negrebetskii died, and, hopefully, also why. Статья является репликой в дискуссии об исторической ценности записей, которые вели работавшие в России иностранные дипломаты. Два молодых человека, Гильдебранд фон Горн, чрезвычайный посланник датского коро-ля, и швед Юхан Габриель Спарвенфельд, королевский стипендиат, изу-чавший русский язык и культуру, встретились в Москве летом 1684 г. Они познакомились еще в 1682 г. в Копенгагене, но в Москве они общались в качестве представителей двух стран, имевших в России разные политиче-ские цели. Фон Горн был в России в третий раз, прекрасно говорил по-рус-ски и был знаком с влиятельными лицами при дворе. Он рассказывал Спарвенфельду о закулисной жизни двора, которую хорошо представлял. Эту информацию Спарвенфельд записывал в дневник, который вел во вре-мя поездки (опубликован автором этой статьи в 2002 г.). В июле 1684 г. фон Горн рассказал Спарвенфельду о казни «одного поляка, знатного и ученого человека по имени Негребецкий». Речь шла о Павле Негребецком, зани-мавшем важное положение при дворе во время правления Федора Алексе-евича, но потерявшем свое влияние после смерти царя. В августе друзья еще раз обсуждали дело Негребецкого, обстоятельства его пыток до казни, а также и роль И. М. Милославского в его судьбе. Негребецкий обвинялся в участии в заговоре против Софьи и ее сторонников, возникшем после стрелецкого бунта в мае 1682 г. Пытки были прекращены Василием Васи-льевичем Голицыным. Негребецкого секретно отвезли на Красную пло-щадь и казнили. Почему Негребецкого казнили именно так, через два года после его предполагаемого преступления? После обсуждения различных аспектов данного вопроса в статье предлагается возможный ответ. Настоя-щей причиной поспешной казни было то, что Негребецкий продолжал склонять польского короля выступить на стороне Нарышкиной, матери Петра, в борьбе за власть между кланами Милославских и Нарышкиных. Поскольку в мае–июне 1684 г. в Москве находилось австрийское посольство, у Негребецкого появился надежный канал связи с Польшей в лице габсбург-ского резидента в Варшаве И. Жировского. Возможно, Негребецкий вос-пользовался случаем и попытался послать письмо польскому королю с просьбой о поддержке Нарышкиной и ее сына. Письмо было обнаружено, после чего Софья и Милославский наконец решили избавиться от раздра-жающего поляка. Его казнь позволила им дать отчетливый сигнал сторон-никам Петра, что их прежние планы известны и что они находятся под наблюдением. Главных участников несостоявшегося заговора нельзя было трогать по политическим причинам (самый энергичным заговорщиком был Борис Алексеевич Голицын, двоюродный брат Василия Васильевича). Таким образом, запись ночных разговоров двух иностранцев в русской сто-лице, кажется, помогла выяснить, как и когда умер Павел Негребецкий, а также высказать обоснованное предположение о причинах казни. Title in WoS: Why was Pavel Negrebetskii Executed?

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    Authors: Arzyutov, Dmitry V.; Danilina, Lidia;

    QC 20211207

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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej;

    The article analyses various instances of the memory politics of the Nazi genocide of Roma in Ukraine during wartime, Soviet and Post-Soviet periods of times through the prism of the theory of “path dependency” and the concept of “sites of memory“. One of the aims of this study is to interpret recent trends in contemporary memory politics in Ukraine, with focus on the Roma genocide memorials, and the documentation of the victims. The author shows how Soviet ‘path dependency’ designed the limits of commemoration of the Nazi genocide of the Roma in Ukraine. During World War II the leading Soviet newspapers informed the public about the mass killings of Roma by the Nazis on the occupied territories and stressed that the systematic extermination of this group was motivated by racial goals. However, after 1945, the systematic extermination of the Roma population by the Nazis became a taboo and was ignored by Soviet historiography and memory politics. The absence of an educated strata within the Roma group and the aggressive forgetting politics made impossible the recording of testimonies of the Soviet Roma tragedy immediately after the war. Today it is simply impossible because of a lack of witnesses and archival records. The author draws interesting parallels with memory politics in Ukraine, and its conciliation with Belarus and Russia. In recent years, about twenty monuments commemorating victims of the genocide of the Roma have been erected in Ukraine. According to decision of the Ukrainian Rada dated 8 October 2004, the International Day of the Holocaust of the Roma is held annually on 2 August. Following the countries of the European Union, Ukraine abandoned the official use of the word ‘Gypsies’ in favour of the more politically correct name ‘Roma’. At the same time, in Belarus there only three sites of memory devoted to the Roma genocide and in Russia – no one. In Ukraine, over the last few years, a number of conferences on the genocide of the Roma were held, collections of scientific papers were published, and research centres were formed. At the same time, in Belarus and in Russia, not a single scholar specializes in this subject. The author explains such contradiction by the radical change of memory politics of World War II in the contemporary Ukraine, which influenced by both the internal and external factors. The most important internal factor is the humanization of memory politics that is the diversion of memory politics from heroes to the sufferings of ordinary people. The revising of the Soviet myth of World War II opened the previously closed topics. The author shows how the realignment of Soviet history around new narrative axes is taking place in the memory politics of today's Ukraine. The main external factor is a process of the integration of the Ukrainian state into the EU. It is worth noting that in contrast to the Soviet era, memory politics in the present-day Ukraine are being built on the basis of a European concept of reconciliation. However, the memorialization of the victims of the Nazi genocide of the Roma has a number of objective obstacles related to the Soviet period. The problems related to commemoration of the genocide of the Roma, as this article has demonstrated, are limited by ‘path dependence’ and not by deliberately discriminatory politics towards the Ukrainian Roma. The politics of forgetting and poor integration into Soviet society did not give the Roma an opportunity for public recognition of their tragedy in the Soviet Union. One of the main problems of contemporary memory politics is the de-personalisation of the victims of the Roma genocide. The Roma traditionally avoid contact with the authorities, and the official data and the real number of the Roma can differ greatly. It is important to stress a number of factors which differentiate memory work on the Jewish and Roma tragedies. If today the Holocaust is remembered not only through monuments but also through deserted synagogues, the former Jewish ghettos and cemeteries, the Roma do not have any of these. With the genocide, almost all their physical space of memory was destroyed. For a long time the Roma minority did not share in the building of the Ukrainian nation. The commemoration of the Roma Holocaust has the possibility of changing this situation, boosting the inclusion of Roma in contemporary Ukrainian society. Tidskriftens titel på engelska: Holocaust and Modernity

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    Authors: Jansson, Olena; Shamin, Stepan;

    ISBN enligt titelsida: 978-5-8055-400-7 

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    Authors: Šamin, Stepan; Watson, Christine;

    In the centuries of conflict between the Ottoman Empire and various European states, polemical manuscripts, pamphlets and books on Turkish topics were common in Europe. Some texts reappeared at intervals, adapted to different circumstances. A certain category consisted of texts that were allegedly written by the Ottoman sultan himself. This paper deals with one such text, which proclaims to be an instruction from the sultan to his subjects on ceremonies and processions to be performed in order to please Allah. Variations of this text appeared in 1686–87, 1697–98 and 1716–17, in manuscripts and printed pamphlets in different languages. It was translated into Russian twice: in 1697 and 1716. The 1697 translation was only recently discovered among documents from Peter I’s Grand Embassy. This paper examines the textual relationships between the versions that appeared in different decades and their historical contexts, and contains an edition of the previously unpublished 1697 Russian translation.

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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej;

    The paper summarizes the results of the study of Scandinavian and Finnish settlements on the Kola Peninsula supported by the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies and Södertörn University as a part of the research project “Soviet Nordic Minorities and Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula” led by Associate Professor Andrej Kotljarchuk. The focus of this article is on the representation of Kola-Nordic history as well as on the Nordic sites of memory in today’s Russia

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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej;

    Tidskriftstitel på engelska: Holocaust and Modernity

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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej;
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    Authors: Kotljarchuk, Andrej; Nilsson, Torbjörn;

    The Great Terror in the Soviet Union 1937–38 was to a high degree accomplished on ethnic grounds. Citizens of German, Finnish and Polish and other descent became victims for the ‘national operations’ of the NKVD. In 1926 approximately 2,500 Swedes were residing in the Soviet Union. In April 1937 an NKVD-directive declared ‘to detect and remove from the USSR all foreign nationals, who in one way or another were suspected of espionage.’ Paradoxically the authorities tried to purge the country from ‘dangerous elements,’ but in the totalitarian communist system, returning home was still nearly impossible. The Embassy of Sweden in Moscow initiated a rescue operation, never before professionally studied. Hundreds of Swedish citizens in various regions of the country contacted the embassy in order to escape the threats from the NKVD. Many of them were from Karelia. Many were rescued, but in many cases the efforts failed. This unknown event gives a new perspective of Swedish diplomatic operations before World War II. But it also contributes to the wider issue of Western rescue operations in the USSR. Our paper is focused on the rescue operations of Sweden. How were they carried out? How did the Soviet concept of nationality affect the identification and misidentification of Swedes and Finns by the NKVD? Did the Embassy of Sweden in Moscow try to define ‘Swedish connection’ as broadly as possible? How important were the emotional reaction for the diplomats? The empirical results of this study open up for theoretical discussion on the relevance of moral and humanistic contents, as well as the principle of legal state in international conflicts and zones of insecurity. The source material is based on the collection of the Foreign Office discovered by the authors in the National Archives of Sweden, which contains various materials regarding the Swedish rescue operation.

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    Authors: Jansson, Olena;
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